Austin American-Statesman

Flake’s exit from Senate won’t fix government’s hyperparti­sanship

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President Donald Trump’s unpopulari­ty in the Republican Party has presented Senate Republican­s like Jeff Flake with a golden opportunit­y for statesmans­hip.

Instead of refusing to run in 2018, Flake should unite Senate Democrats and Republican­s in a bipartisan, consolidat­ed movement against Trump and his Republican loyalists. Not only would it curb Trump’s presidenti­al demagoguer­y, a movement like this would loosen the strangleho­ld of mindless party loyalty — “hyperparti­sanship,” as some scholars have dubbed it — on our political institutio­ns, thereby breathing life into our asphyxiate­d government.

Flake’s announceme­nt that he will not seek re-election in 2018 is even more disappoint­ing, since his statement shows that he has diagnosed our current political condition admirably: “Were the shoe on the other foot, would we Republican­s meekly accept such behavior on display from dominant Democrats? Of course not — and we would be wrong if we did.”

Flake’s contention is that unthinking commitment to one’s party disrupts the Constituti­on’s separation of powers system. To this end, Flake cites James Madison’s classic principle of government: If separation of powers is to function well, “ambition must be made to counteract ambition.”

Flake’s twofold point is that Republican senators — and, for that matter, House representa­tives — who should be ambitiousl­y opposing Trump are not, and that hyperparti­sanship is to blame. As a result, Trump is running roughshod over all that is good and decent in our political order, unopposed by the other branches of government, whom hyperparti­sanship has left in disarray.

Yet, in citing the Federalist as he did, Flake betrayed a misguided reading of Madison, which explains why he is quitting the Senate rather than standing up for it.

In the very next sentence of Federalist 51, after the sentence Flake cited, Madison pregnantly asserts that “the interest of the man must be connected with the constituti­onal rights of the place.” By “the place,” Madison means the branch of government of which a given politician is part. (In the context of Flake’s condemnati­on of Trump, the branches or “places” in question are the Senate and the presidency.) If Flake were truly following Madison’s constituti­onal advice, he would be trying to unify the entire Senate — Democrats and sympatheti­c Republican­s — against Trump’s presidency.

In such a scenario, the interest of “the man” — Flake — truly would be tied to the constituti­onal rights of “the place” — the Senate. Given Trump’s remarkably low standing with Republican­s, which Sen. Lindsey Graham’s hints at impeachmen­t have confirmed, Flake’s efforts would have more than a fighting chance. Moreover, the praise he would receive from both parties would be considerab­le. Flake’s ambition truly would be counteract­ing Trump’s.

Quitting the Senate after 2018 does not cure hyperparti­sanship, strengthen the Senate nor weaken Trump. Rather, it leaves the floor open to more hyperparti­sanship. Flake has diagnosed our political condition, yet has devised the wrong remedy.

By rallying an anti-Trump coalition within the Senate instead, Flake would weaken — if not break — hyperparti­sanship’s death grip on our government. He would invigorate the branch of government whose unique institutio­nal powers — confirmati­on, treaties, and impeachmen­t — render it most capable of thwarting a norm-eroding, demagogic president.

It is Flake’s duty to the Senate, Constituti­on and nation to capitalize on Trump’s lack of partisan support. If he is unable or unwilling to, another Senate Republican should.

 ?? AL DRAGO / NEW YORK TIMES ?? Sen. Jeff Flake, R-Ariz., should be trying to unify the entire Senate — Democrats and sympatheti­c Republican­s — against Donald Trump’s presidency, writes Charles U. Zug.
AL DRAGO / NEW YORK TIMES Sen. Jeff Flake, R-Ariz., should be trying to unify the entire Senate — Democrats and sympatheti­c Republican­s — against Donald Trump’s presidency, writes Charles U. Zug.

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