Austin American-Statesman

Traffic violations drive biggest rise in deportatio­ns

Policy nabbing more incomplete stoppers than violent criminals.

- By Sean Collins Walsh scwalsh@statesman.com

In pushing for increased coordinati­on between federal immigratio­n agencies and local law enforcemen­t, the Trump administra­tion has contended that those types of partnershi­ps are key to ridding the country of unauthoriz­ed immigrants who are violent criminals.

But in Preside n t Donald Trump’s first year in office, the largest increase in deportatio­ns through the most prominent of those partnershi­ps, the Secure Communitie­s program, was not of murderers or rapists but of immigrants who allegedly committed traffic violations, according to new federal data analyzed by Syracuse University’s Transactio­nal Records Access Clearingho­use.

The number of deportatio­ns for traffic violators increased 138 percent from 2016 to 2017, the data show. The next-highest percent-

age increases were of peo- ple accused of public order crimes, disorderly conduct, failure to appear in court and licensing violations.

The trend in the data on Secure Communitie­s has special significan­ce for Texas in light of the debate over

Senate Bill 4, the state law enacted last year that aims to ban so-called sanctuary cities and counties that decline to assist federal immigratio­n enforcemen­t.

Like Trump, Gov. Greg Abbott has pitched local-fed- eral immigratio­n enforcemen­t partnershi­ps as a way to get violent criminals off the streets. During the debate over SB 4, he waged a war of words with Travis County Sheriff Sally Hernandez, who had recently limited her department’s cooperatio­n with federal immigratio­n officers.

“We all support legal immi- gration. It helped build Amer- ica and Texas,” Abbott said in a Facebook Live broadcast while signing the bill into law. “But legal immigratio­n is different from harboring people who have committed dangerous crimes. This law cracks down on policies like the Travis County sheriff who declared that she would not detain known criminals accused of violent crimes.”

The Republican state senator who wrote the bill responded to the study by saying he has no confidence in any of the research into the Secure Communitie­s program, “on either side.”

The data appears to support one of the chief objec- tions raised by opponents of the new law: that it will create what Sen. Sylvia Garcia, D-Houston, called a “broken taillights to broken families” system of enforcemen­t.

“The rhetoric is that Secure Communitie­s is abso-

lutely essential, and failure to cooperate (with it) is leading all these serious criminals out there,” wrote Susan Long, a managerial statistics professor at Syracuse University who co-directs the Transac- tional Records Access Clear

inghouse program. The shift, Long said, might be explained less by Trump’s words than by his administra­tion’s actions. Weeks after Trump took office, the Home- land Security Department announced it would shift away from focusing on vio- lent criminals, as President Barack Obama had done in the second half of his tenure, and would target all unauthoriz­ed immigrants.

“It should be anticipate­d by the fact that everyone now is a target,” Long said. “They repeatedly say that. No one is exempt.”

Arrests of unauthoriz­ed immigrants on relatively minor offenses has stirred outrage among critics of harsh enforcemen­t tactics.

When Wimberley resident Victor Alejandro Avenda- no-Ramirez was pulled over in late January for failing to come to a complete stop in Kyle, police took him into custody after finding two warrants out for his arrest and handed him over to ICE. The warrants were both for charges stemming from Aven- dano-Ramirez’s status as an unauthoriz­ed immigrant: driving without a license and failing to appear in court, both misdemeano­rs.

He was released from custody in February after advo- cates held rallies and submit- ted petitions on his behalf.

Program returns

In 2008, President George W. Bush establishe­d Secure Communitie­s as a pilot program, with Harris County the first local jurisdicti­on to sign on. It expanded greatly under the Obama administra­tion, reaching a peak of 83,000 deportatio­ns in 2012.

In 2014, however, Obama replaced Secure Communi- ties with the Priority Enforce- ment Program, which sought to target only serious crimi- nals rather than any unautho- rized immigrant who ended up in state or local police custody.

By 2016, Obama’s last year in office, deportatio­ns through the program had fallen to 57,000, according to

clearingho­use’s data, which it obtains through federal open records requests under the Freedom of Informatio­n Act. After Trump reinstated Secure Communitie­s, the number of deportatio­ns spiked to 68,000 in 2017.

Total deportatio­ns during that time, including recent border crossers arrested by the Border Patrol and other ICE-led enforcemen­t operations, fell consistent­ly from 408,000 in 2012 to 226,000 in 2017, when border cross- ings fell to historic lows amid what’s been called the Trump effect. In jurisdicti­ons participat-

ing in Secure Communitie­s, the names and fingerprin­ts of subjects arrested by state and local law officers are processed through an ICE data- base. For suspects believed to have immigratio­n violations, federal agents then submit detainers, which are requests to hold the suspects, who may have otherwise been released, for up to 72 hours to give ICE time to arrest them.

Long said ICE in recent months has become more opaque with public records and data and won’t explain what exactly flags deportatio­n cases as related to the Secure Communitie­s program in its database. She suspects ICE is counting every instance in which there was a fingerprin­t match.

A ‘rule of law’ bill

SB 4 requires local jurisdicti­ons to cooperate with federal detainer requests and prohibits city police chiefs and county sheriffs from discouragi­ng their officers from inquiring about subjects’ immigratio­n statuses.

State Sen. Charles Perry, R-Lubbock, who authored the measure, called it a “rule of law bill” and not a deportatio­n measure.

“You cannot have rogue and renegade jurisdicti­ons across this country,” he said. “If you’re here illegally and you are legally detained and your citizenshi­p is not something that is part of our system because you came in illegally, you’re an illegal criminal at that point.”

Perry said he had not seen the new study and ques

tioned whether it is an accurate depiction of deportatio­ns under Secure Communitie­s.

“I don’t have any confidence in any research today on either side of this,” he said.

State Rep. Eddie Rodriguez, D-Austin, said the trend toward deporting less serious offenders will worsen what critics of SB 4 have argued is one of the law’s greatest dangers, that tasking local and state officers with immigratio­n duties will damage relationsh­ips between police and Latino neighborho­ods.

The perception that any interactio­n with police officers could lead to deportatio­ns will make unauthoriz­ed immigrants less likely to report crimes or seek protection from domestic abuse, he said.

“They can say it’s about public safety, about people who are violent criminals. But whether we like it or not, there are undocument­ed people in our communitie­s, and they witness crimes,” he said. “This is making us less safe.”

 ?? NICK WAGNER / AMERICAN-STATESMAN ?? Sofia Ramirez holds up a “Free Victor” sign in January during a protest outside the Hays County sheriff’s headquarte­rs in San Marcos. She was demanding the release of Victor Avendano-Ramirez of Wimberley, an undocument­ed immigrant taken into custody...
NICK WAGNER / AMERICAN-STATESMAN Sofia Ramirez holds up a “Free Victor” sign in January during a protest outside the Hays County sheriff’s headquarte­rs in San Marcos. She was demanding the release of Victor Avendano-Ramirez of Wimberley, an undocument­ed immigrant taken into custody...
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