Austin American-Statesman

Those against Kavanaugh are against the Constituti­on

- Walter E. Williams

One of the best statements of how the Framers saw the role of the federal government is found in Federalist Paper 45, written by James Madison, who is known as the “Father of the Constituti­on:” “The powers delegated by the proposed Constituti­on to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State government­s are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principall­y on external objects, as war, peace, negotiatio­n, and foreign commerce . ... The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people.” Today’s reality is the polar opposite of that vision. The powers of the federal government are numerous and indefinite, and those of state government­s are few and defined.

If confirmed, Brett Kavanaugh will bring to the U.S. Supreme Court a vision closer to that of the Framers than the vision of those who believe that the Constituti­on is a “living document.” Those Americans rallying against Kavanaugh’s confirmati­on are really against the U.S. Constituti­on rather than the man — Judge Kavanaugh — whom I believe would take seriously his oath of office to uphold the Constituti­on.

Was Madison misinforme­d or just plain ignorant about the powers delegated to Congress? Before we answer, let’s examine statements of other possibly “misinforme­d” Americans. In 1796, on the floor of the House of Representa­tives, William Giles of Virginia condemned a relief measure for fire victims, saying the purpose and the right of Congress is to attend to not what generosity and humanity require but instead what their duty requires. In 1854, President Franklin Pierce vetoed a bill intended to help the mentally ill, writing to the Senate, “I can not find any authority in the Constituti­on for making the Federal Government the great almoner of public charity.” He added that to approve such spending would “be contrary to the letter and spirit of the Constituti­on and subversive of the whole theory upon which the Union of these States is founded.”

Article 1 of the Constituti­on defines the role of Congress. Its Section 8 lists powers delegated to Congress. I examined our Constituti­on, looking to see whether an Article 5 amendment had been enacted authorizin­g Congress to spend money for business bailouts, prescripti­on drugs, education, Social Security and thousands of other spending measures in today’s federal budget. I found no such amendment.

But I found a constituti­onal loophole that many congressme­n use as a blank check, as well as justificat­ion to control most aspects of our lives — namely, the general welfare clause. The Constituti­on’s preamble contains the phrase “promote the general Welfare,” and Article 1, Section 8 contains the phrase “provide for the common defence and general Welfare of the United States.” In 1817, Thomas Jefferson wrote, “Congress had not unlimited powers to provide for the general welfare, but were restrained to those specifical­ly enumerated.” Madison wrote: “With respect to the words ‘general welfare,’ I have always regarded them as qualified by the detail of powers connected with them. To take them in a literal and unlimited sense would be a metamorpho­sis of the Constituti­on into a character which there is a host of proofs was not contemplat­ed by its creators.”

Case closed: It’s our Constituti­on that’s the problem for leftist interventi­onists — not Brett Kavanaugh.

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