Baltimore Sun

Here’s how to limit presidenti­al power

- By Chris Edelson Chris Edelson (edelson@american.edu) is an assistant professor of government in American University’s School of Public Affairs. His latest book, “Power Without Constraint: The Post 9/11 Presidency and National Security,” was published in

Based on how presidenti­al power has operated in practice, it would be easy to assume that decisions about how best to defend the nation, especially decisions about the use of military force, are “for the president alone to make,” as a 2001 Department of Justice memo put it. Beginning with the Korean War, presidents have frequently authorized the use of military force without congressio­nal approval — Grenada, Panama, Somalia and Yugoslavia are just some pre-9/11 examples. This is despite the fact that the Constituti­on assigns Congress the power to declare war, and that the historical record makes clear the framers only intended that the president would have unilateral authority to use military force in response to a sudden attack when there was no time to gain congressio­nal approval.

Unilateral presidenti­al action has extended beyond the use of military force, especially since the 9/11 attacks. President George W. Bush authorized warrantles­s surveillan­ce, waterboard­ing and sleep deprivatio­n of prisoners, all in violation of statutes passed by Congress. President Obama ordered the use of military force against Libya in 2011 and against ISIS in Iraq and Syria since 2014, both times without congressio­nal approval. Former Obama administra­tion officials have claimed the president has the authority to close Guantanamo and move prisoners to detention facilities in the United States, despite statutory provisions prohibitin­g such action (President Obama has not taken such action).

Some observers of presidenti­al power conclude that, in the 21st century, legal limits on presidenti­al power are either no longer workable, no longer advisable or both. They suggest that the only practical way to limit presidenti­al power is through “political” actions — the force of public opinion and/or public criticism by members of Congress that does not result in actual legislatio­n.

In fact, it is not necessary to give up on the constituti­onal system of checks and balances, the notion that the president is, unlike a monarch, subject to the rule of law like everyone else. Although presidents, especially since 9/11, have proven to be proficient at finding ways around statutory and constituti­onal limits on their power, there is also reason to be hopeful that it remains possible to hold presidents accountabl­e to the rule of law. Following are some specific ways in which this can be done:

Congress is the institutio­n best positioned to set legal limits on the president through its specific constituti­onal powers related to national security. In August 2013, 140 members of Congress signed a letter to President Obama declaring that he could not follow through on a plan to use military force against the Assad regime without congressio­nal approval. President Obama backed off and agreed to seek such approval.

The press can play an important role by informing the public and helping move Congress to act. For instance, reporting on the Edward Snowden revelation­s in 2013 helped move Congress to pass legislatio­n ending the bulk metadata collection program as run by the executive branch.

The public must make their wishes known to elected officials. One factor moving both members of Congress and President Obama during the 2013 Syrian episode may have been public opposition to military action.

Executive branch lawyers all too often seem focused solely on finding ways for presidents to do what they want, regardless of legal limits in place. But some executive branch lawyers have sought to rein in presidenti­al action. In 2011, a Justice Department lawyer told President Obama that military action against Libya was constraine­d by the War Powers Resolution (though President Obama found a different executive branch lawyer who disagreed).

Though judges are often reluctant to weigh in on national security matters, in four cases decided since 9/11, the Supreme Court rejected the idea of unrestrain­ed presidenti­al power, emphasizin­g checks and balances. However, these decisions have had a limited effect, and the courts need to insist on meaningful parameters — which means Congress has to take action to back up judicial decisions in this area.

As we prepare for the next president, whether his or her actions in the name of national security will be accountabl­e to the law will be up to all of us.

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