Baltimore Sun

Timothy McVeigh’s dreams are coming true

- By Michelle Goldberg Michelle Goldberg (Twitter: @ michellein­bklyn) is a columnist for The New York Times, where this piece originally appeared.

Timothy McVeigh, the right-wing terrorist who killed 168 people in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, cared about one issue above all others: guns. To him, guns were synonymous with freedom, and any government attempt to regulate them meant incipient tyranny.

“When it came to guns,” writes Jeffrey Toobin in “Homegrown,” his compelling new book about the Oklahoma City attack, “McVeigh did more than simply advocate for his own right to own and use firearms; he joined an ascendant political crusade, which grew more extreme over the course of his lifetime and beyond.”

Reading Toobin’s book, it’s startling to realize how much McVeigh’s cause has advanced in the decades since his 2001 execution. McVeigh, who was a member of the KKK and harbored a deep resentment of women, hoped that blowing up the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building would inspire an army of followers to make war on the government. This didn’t happen immediatel­y, although, as historian Kathleen Belew has written, there was a wave of militia and white supremacis­t violence in the bombing’s aftermath. But today, an often-inchoate movement of people who share many of McVeigh’s views is waging what increasing­ly looks like a low-level insurgency against the rest of us.

Not all mass shootings are ideologica­lly motivated — far from it. But when there is an ideology involved, it’s usually a far-right one. “All the extremist-related murders in 2022 were committed by rightwing extremists of various kinds,” said a February report from the Anti-Defamation League. Sixty percent of these deaths came from two mass shootings, in Buffalo, New York, and Colorado Springs, Colorado.

As you probably know by now, there was another mass shooting this past weekend, at an outdoor mall in Allen, Texas. Although law enforcemen­t has not identified a motive as of this writing, the killer reportedly wore a patch with the abbreviati­on for “right wing death squad,” a tribute to Chilean fascist Augusto Pinochet that’s popular with groups like the Proud Boys. According to The New York Times, investigat­ors are looking at a social media profile they believe belonged to the gunman, which includes praise for Adolf Hitler and “hate-filled rants against women and Black people.”

There was a time when a killing like this — which left at least eight victims dead, including more than one child — would have brought the news cycle to a halt and forced politician­s to respond. When white supremacis­t Dylann Roof murdered nine parishione­rs in a South Carolina church in 2015, it was so shocking that the governor at the time, Nikki Haley, removed the Confederat­e battle flag from the State House grounds.

But mass shootings are increasing­ly part of the background noise of life in a country coming apart at the seams. The reason that America endures a level of gun violence unique among developed countries, and that we can often do little about it, is so many politician­s have views on guns that aren’t far afield from McVeigh’s. As Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., has pointed out, it’s become common to hear Republican­s echo McVeigh’s insurrecti­onary theory of the Second Amendment, which holds that Americans must be allowed to amass personal arsenals in case they need to overthrow the government. As MAGA congresswo­man Lauren Boebert once put it, the Second Amendment “has nothing to do with hunting, unless you’re talking about hunting tyrants.”

The Republican Party’s fetishizat­ion of guns and its fetishizat­ion of insurrecti­on — one that’s reached a hysterical pitch since Donald Trump’s presidency — go hand in hand. Guns are at the center of a worldview in which the ability to launch an armed rebellion must always be held in reserve. And so in the wake of mass shootings, when the public is most likely to clamor for gun regulation­s, Republican­s regularly shore up gun access instead. In April, following a school shooting in Nashville, Republican­s expelled two young Black Democratic legislator­s who had led a gun control protest at the Tennessee Capitol. A few days later, the state Senate passed a bill protecting the gun industry from lawsuits.

It’s hard to think of a historical precedent for a society allowing itself to be terrorized in the way we have. The normalizat­ion of both right-wing terrorism and periodic mass shootings by deranged loners is possible only because McVeigh’s views have been mainstream­ed. “In the nearly 30 years since the Oklahoma City bombing, the country took an extraordin­ary journey — from nearly universal horror at the action of a right-wing extremist to wide embrace of a former president (also possibly a future president) who reflected the bomber’s values,” wrote Toobin.

As it happens, in the hours after the Oklahoma City bombing, before the authoritie­s knew who McVeigh was, he was pulled over during a routine traffic stop and then arrested for carrying a gun without a permit. In 2019, however, Oklahoma legalized permitless carry. Under the new law, McVeigh would have been let go.

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