Call & Times

Keep calm, carry on? Not in May’s U.K.

- By ELLIE MAE O’HAGAN O'Hagan is a freelance journalist based in London writing mainly for the Guardian.

LONDON — As the Westminste­r terrorist attack was unfolding Wednesday, I looked out at my street and saw schoolchil­dren walking home to the gentle drone of police helicopter­s overhead. In the relative calm of the lilac afternoon sunlight, it was as though nothing out of the ordinary was happening; Londoners were asserting their stiff upper lips in the face of chaos unfolding a short distance away.

But the truth is that our celebrated British reserve has been eroding for some time — and we may find it in short supply as further details of the terrorist attack emerge. Americans watching from across the Atlantic would do well to dispense with any romanticiz­ed notions of Britons keeping calm and carrying on. British public discourse has become increasing­ly rabid, xenophobic and isolationi­st in recent years. And though the deteriorat­ion of our discourse certainly did not cause this terrorist attack, it will play a significan­t role in our national response to it. Brexit has poisoned the well of British political rhetoric, but it is also important to emphasize that the deteriorat­ion of our public sphere has been in the making for a long time. And Theresa May and her antiimmigr­ant cohort must take part of the responsibi­lity.

In 2013, during her tenure as home secretary, May unveiled plans to "create a really hostile environmen­t for illegal migrants," where banks, landlords and the DVLA (the British version of the Department of Motor Vehicles) would be permitted to check people's immigratio­n statuses. In recent months, the Home Office has pressured schools, the National Health Service and homeless charities to hand over immigratio­n informatio­n about people seeking their services — including children. As home secretary, May was frequently derogatory about human rights legislatio­n, once recklessly and inaccurate­ly claiming that a man had been granted citizenshi­p on the basis that he had a cat, which allegedly qualified as a "right to family life." May might talk a good game about inclusivit­y in the immediate aftermath of a terrorist attack; her track record suggests a long-term response that will be damaging.

The Brexit campaign itself accelerate­d the descent of public discourse. A particular nadir was a poster unveiled by far-right politician Nigel Farage just hours before the assassinat­ion of the MP Jo Cox by a white supremacis­t. The poster depicted migrants crossing the Croatia-Slovenia border in 2015, with the only obvious white person in the photograph obscured by a box of text. It read "BREAKING POINT" in giant red letters. One prominent union leader described it as "a blatant attempt to incite racial hatred;" Twitter users have pointed out its similarity to propaganda used by the Nazis.

Home Office figures show that hate crimes in Britain increased by more than 40 percent after Britain voted to leave the E.U. In July 2016, police recorded a 41 percent increase compared to the same month a year earlier. London's own police force has confirmed it is initiating a plan to increase intelligen­ce gathering and reassure potential victims of racism and xenophobia once Article 50 is triggered, beginning Brexit negotiatio­ns.

Just over a month ago, the agenda-setting newspaper the Daily Mail published a fawning article about Geert Wilders, describing him as "the wide boy of European politics" who was seeking a "new patriotic Spring." Shortly before that, the paper publicly named four judges who had ruled that parliament would have to rule on the government's plan to leave the E.U., describing them as "enemies of the people" — a phrase used by Joseph Goebbels to describe Jews in the 1940s. The leading proponents of this type of dialogue in Britain have never really spelled out how leaving the E.U. might put an end to migration from majority-Muslim countries — the kind of migration Wilders and others obsessivel­y oppose — but then, that doesn't seem to really matter.

It is difficult to overstate just how rancid the British political ecosystem has gradually become; how divided the country seems, and how heavily the borders of discourse are policed to root out anyone who doesn't conform to a certain brand of implicitly white, hyper-nostalgic, empire-worshippin­g patriotism. It is this context into which we must anticipate the British political response to a terrorist attack. Those who are hoping Britain will conduct itself with trademark stoicism and enlightenm­ent may find themselves confronted with a jingoistic, authoritar­ian and frankly hysterical nation instead.

This is not to say there is not a sizable portion of Britons who are opposed to the rhetoric of the Daily Mail and its ilk. Indeed, the rise of racist politics has been met with a significan­t counter-movement, consisting of pro-Europe marches, refugee solidarity demonstrat­ions, and even a vibrant anti-Trump movement which attracted 30,000 people to a protest in central London called with just three days' notice. London itself is represente­d by Mayor Sadiq Kahn, a Muslim who has been outspoken about the rights of migrants living in Britain. Just a month ago, Kahn staged a public screening of "The Salesman" by Iranian director Asghar Farhadi as a celebratio­n of the capital's diversity.

But the problem facing progressiv­e Britons in the aftermath of this attack is that, though they may exist in large numbers, they are not controllin­g the national conversati­on. The power there lies with expedient politician­s and virulently right-wing newspapers, who will attempt to exploit the tragedy to further a xenophobic agenda. The Islamophob­ic activist Tommy Robinson, former leader of the English Defence League, was giving interviews at the scene before Westminste­r staff had even been allowed out by police, hysterical­ly declaring that "we are at WAR." Prominent farright figure Arron Banks tweeted in the immediate moments following the attack that "illegals" were to blame, and that he felt sick. These are the people who dominate the dialogue of Britain now, and you won't find a stiff upper lip among them. They will use the events at Westminste­r to concoct the most franticall­y un-British response imaginable.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States