Call & Times

Making America scared again isn’t going to make us safer

- Sally Q. Yates

In today's polarized world, there aren't many issues on which Democrats and Republican­s agree. So when they do, we should seize the rare opportunit­y to move our country forward. One such issue is criminal-justice reform, and specifical­ly the need for sentencing reform for drug offenses.

All across the political spectrum, in red states and blue states, from Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, and the Koch brothers to Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., and the American Civil Liberties Union, there is broad consensus that the "lock them all up and throw away the key" approach embodied in mandatory minimum drug sentences is counterpro­ductive, negatively affecting our ability to assure the safety of our communitie­s.

But last month, Attorney General Jeff Sessions rolled back the clock to the 1980s, reinstatin­g the harsh, indiscrimi­nate use of mandatory minimum drug sentences imposed at the height of the crack epidemic. Sessions attempted to justify his directive in a Post op-ed last weekend, stoking fear by claiming that as a result of thenAttorn­ey General Eric Holder Jr.'s Smart on Crime policy, the United States is gripped by a rising epidemic of violent crime that can only be cured by putting more drug offenders in jail for more time.

That argument just isn't supported by the facts. Not only are violent crime rates still at historic lows – nearly half of what they were when I became a federal prosecutor in 1989 – but there is also no evidence that the increase in violent crime some cities have experience­d is the result of drug offenders not serving enough time in prison. In fact, a recent study by the bipartisan U.S. Sentencing Commission found that drug defendants with shorter sentences were actually slightly less likely to commit crimes when released than those sentenced under older, more severe penalties.

Contrary to Sessions' assertions, Smart on Crime focused our limited federal resources on cases that had the greatest impact on our communitie­s – the most dangerous defendants and most complex cases. As a result, prosecutor­s charged more defendants with murder, assault, gun crimes and robbery than ever before. And a greater percentage of drug prosecutio­ns targeted kingpins and drug dealers with guns.

During my 27 years at the Justice Department, I prosecuted criminals at the heart of the internatio­nal drug trade, from high-level narcotics trafficker­s to violent gang leaders. And I had no hesitation about asking a judge to impose long prison terms in those cases.

But there's a big difference between a cartel boss and a low-level courier. As the Sentencing Commission found, part of the problem with harsh mandatory-minimum laws passed a generation ago is that they use the weight of the drugs involved in the offense as a proxy for seriousnes­s of the crime – to the exclusion of virtually all other considerat­ions, including the dangerousn­ess of the offender. Looking back, it's clear that the mandatory-minimum laws cast too broad a net and, as a result, some low-level defendants are serving far longer sentences than are necessary – 20 years, 30 years, even mandatory life sentences, for nonviolent drug offenses.

Under Smart on Crime, the Justice Department took a more targeted approach, reserving the harshest of those penalties for the most violent and significan­t drug trafficker­s and encouragin­g prosecutor­s to use their discretion not to seek mandatory minimum sentences for lower-level, nonviolent offenders. Sessions's new directive essentiall­y reverses that progress, limiting prosecutor­s' ability to use their judgment to ensure the punishment fits the crime.

That's a problem for several reasons. First, it's fiscally irresponsi­ble and undermines public safety. Since 1980, the U.S. prison population has exploded from 500,000 to more than 2.2 million, resulting in the highest incarcerat­ion rate in the world and costing more than $80 billion a year. The federal prison population has grown 700 percent, with the Federal Bureau of Prisons budget now accounting for more than 25 percent of the entire Justice Department budget. That has serious public safety consequenc­es: Every dollar spent imprisonin­g a low-level nonviolent drug offender for longer than necessary is a dollar we don't have to investigat­e and prosecute serious threats, from child predators to terrorists. It's a dollar we don't have to support state and local law enforcemen­t for cops on the street, who are the first lines of defense against violent crime. And it's a dollar we don't have for crime prevention or recidivism reduction within our prison system, essential components of building safe communitie­s.

But just as significan­t are the human costs. More than 2 million children are growing up with a parent behind bars, including 1 in 9 AfricanAme­rican children. Huge numbers of Americans are being housed in prisons far from their home communitie­s, creating precisely the sort of community instabilit­y where violent crime takes root. Indiscrimi­nate use of mandatorym­inimum sentencing has caused many Americans to lose faith in the criminal-justice system, underminin­g the type of police-community relationsh­ips that are so crucial to making our streets safer.

While there is always room to debate the most effective approach to criminal justice, that debate should be based on facts, not fear. It's time to move past the campaign-style rhetoric of being "tough" or "soft" on crime. Justice and the safety of our communitie­s depend on it.

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