Call & Times

Don’t let white nationalis­ts play the victims

- By MARIA J. STEPHAN Special To The Washington Post Stephan is co-author of “Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict” (Columbia University Press, 2011) and co-editor of “Is Authoritar­ianism Staging a Comeback?” (Atlantic Coun

On Aug. 12, the anniversar­y of last year’s Unite the Right rally in Charlottes­ville that resulted in the death of a counterpro­tester and shocked the nation, white supremacis­ts are planning to demonstrat­e in front of the White House. Their goal: to demonstrat­e for what they call “white civil rights.”

A number of national and local anti-racist groups are planning counteract­ions, including a teach-ins, a march from New York City to Washington, D.C., and rallies this weekend led by local organizers and religious groups. Others are advising people to stay home and ignore the rally to deny them media attention. There are warnings of violence at far-right rallies across the country, and Metro in the District of Columbia was reportedly considerin­g reserving train cars for Unite the Right participan­ts to discourage violence next Sunday – an idea that has since been shut down.

While doing nothing risks normalizin­g the white nationalis­ts’ vile agenda, physically confrontin­g them could lead to violence and amplify their cause. The best way to resist white supremacis­ts is to massively outnumber them in a discipline­d show of nonviolent force. Physical clashes and shouting matches, even if provoked by the white supremacis­ts, provides them with a bullhorn and a victim card to play. Instead, a mass gathering at a separate location, a clear message of unity against hate, and strict nonviolent discipline are the way to go.

The rise of far-right groups in the United States is a fundamenta­l threat to our democracy that cannot be ignored. The Southern Poverty Law Center is tracking 954 hate groups, which are increasing­ly turning to street action. Their members are often encouraged to carry guns to demonstrat­ions to protect themselves against “leftist fascist groups.” Some far-right groups, such as the Rise Above Movement in California, recruit individual­s, including members of skinhead gangs, who attend rallies across the country to openly brawl with counterpro­testers.

This happened last year in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, when gun-toting white supremacis­ts and anti-racist protesters, some using violent tactics, clashed in the streets and more than a dozen were injured. Heather Heyer, an anti-racist activist, was killed when a car driven by a white nationalis­t drove into her.

One year later, on Aug. 12, demonstrat­ors should come together to manifest a massive rejection of the white nationalis­t agenda. The counterpro­testers should avoid a direct physical confrontat­ion with the neo-Nazis, however, and instead rally in a different location. Ideally, the anti-Nazi groups would gather in large groups all around the city. They could, for example, congregate on the rooftops of Washington apartments, hotels and business establishm­ents, and wear the same color and shout the same message at the same time. Such dispersed, low-risk tactics were used in civil resistance movements in places like Chile, Serbia and Turkey.

This would send a powerful message of solidarity without the same level of risk of violent escalation. No matter what, counterpro­testers should commit to nonviolent discipline. Failure to do so typically benefits the other side.

Last year in Quebec City, the farright, anti-immigrant group La Muete (“wolf pack”) won a PR triumph by remaining nonviolent while anti-fascist activists clashed with police. La Muete members planning a march were pinned in the basement of a parking garage while the violence raged outside. When La Muete members emerged hours later, they held a silent march and declared victory, emphasizin­g their peaceful methods.

It is quite possible that throwing punches or pepper-spraying neo-Nazis allows protesters to win an occasional street battle. In some instances, it may prevent violent attacks against individual protesters, particular­ly when they are surrounded by civilian paramilita­ries armed with clubs or worse. But evidence shows that blending tactics is usually counterpro­ductive. Scholars have found that the emergence of a violent flank tends to decrease the size and diversity of participat­ion in otherwise unarmed movements, particular­ly reducing participat­ion of women, elderly, disabled and marginaliz­ed groups. That weakens civic movements because their strength and their ability to win allies are directly correlated with their ability to maintain large, diverse participat­ion.

In Boston last year, a few days after Charlottes­ville, 40,000 counterpro­testers greeted a few dozen neo-Nazis attending a “free speech” rally. In response to the massive counterdem­onstration, the far-right leaders canceled their speeches without any street fighting and the subsequent political costs of such activity.

Other groups have used humor to deflate hate groups’ message. At a Confederat­e rally in South Carolina last year, a protester mocked the KKK supporters by serenading them with tuba music during their march. In one town in Germany, the community turned annual neo-Nazi marches into “involuntar­y walkathons” – for every meter the neo-Nazis marched, local residents and businesses pledged to donate 10 euros toward a program that helps people leave far-right extremist groups.

There are plenty of creative, life-affirming ways to resist white supremacis­t groups that do not involve shouting matches, street fights or doing nothing. Mobilizing a counter-rally needs to be backed by sustained organizing to seriously challenge racism and white supremacy in the United States. A mass, diverse and discipline­d gathering on Aug. 12, supported by committed organizing, is the best way to resist far-right extremism, create divisions within their ranks and build power for the many fights to defend our democracy that lie ahead.

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