Call & Times

Democrats can’t skip immigratio­n debate

- By ROBERT SURO Special To The Washington Post Suro is a professor of journalism and public policy at the University of Southern California.

Day after day, President Trump Donald feeds his appetite for demagoguer­y on impoverish­ed Hondurans. Now he is sending troops to the border. Meanwhile, Republican congressio­nal candidates are loading the airwaves with demonizing invective aimed at immigrants.

So, where are the Democrats? Otherwise engaged, to be polite, or more bluntly, AWOL.

Democrats are not contesting immigratio­n this year. Republican­s mention immigratio­n four times as often as Democrats in campaign ads. Fifty percent of pro-Democratic ads aired in September were on health care, compared with just 4 percent on immigratio­n.

The political calculatio­n is obvious. “It is very difficult to win on immigratio­n with vulnerable voters in the states Trump carried in 2016,” argued a strategy memo circulated among Democratic campaigns by two influentia­l think tanks, the liberal Center for American Progress and the centrist Third Way. The memo claimed polls showed “even the most draconian of Republican policies” toward immigrants had failed to sway swing voters, and so Democrats should spend “as little time as possible” on contentiou­s issues such as sanctuary cities, pivoting to health care instead.

At stake are children’s futures, constituti­onal values, national identity. Yet the Democrat who would benefit most from a victory next week decided it was expedient not to rebuke Trump on the merits.

Trump wants to make this midterm a referendum on a welcoming stance toward immigrants that has been Dem- ocratic doctrine for a half-century, and all the Democrats can say is that this campaign should be about something else. The loss of moral authority from abandoning this fight is certain to be greater than the political gain –- of which there is no certainty anyway.

That’s not to say the Democrats are ignoring easy options. They now face internal divisions over immigratio­n that are not made easier by the party’s history with migration out of the Northern Triangle of Central America – El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala.

In 2014, when an even larger surge out of the Northern Triangle roiled a midterm election campaign, President Barack Obama adopted a send-a-message strategy designed to dissuade anyone contemplat­ing a trip north, especially with children. Although he expressed sympathy for their plight, during his presidency Obama detained mothers and their children under conditions that prompted lawsuits, sent National Guard troops to the border and sought authority from Congress to conduct “an aggressive deterrence strategy focused on the removal and repatriati­on of recent border crossers.”

The Democrats are additional­ly limited because their proposals on immigratio­n are mostly old, familiar and oft-defeated. The Dream Act, which would provide relief to worthy young people brought here without authorizat­ion as children, was first introduced in 2001 and failed in 2010 when Democrats controlled both houses of Congress. Comprehens­ive immigratio­n reform was defeated in 2007 and 2014 but remains the Democrats’ go-to propositio­n. It was originally authored by Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), who died nearly 10 years ago and has never been replaced as the Democrats’ champion and chief legislator on immigratio­n.

New ideas are now at last emerging, but they are complicati­ng the Democrats’ political calculus and threaten to divide the party.

“Abolish ICE” is a rallying cry among progressiv­e candidates such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, running for Congress in New York City, and others in urban districts with large foreign-born population­s. Rage at U.S. Immigratio­n and Customs Enforcemen­t is palpable and justified among their constituen­ts. For the same reason, big cities, home to the party’s base and its demographi­c future, gave rise to sanctuary policies that limit local law enforcemen­t’s cooperatio­n with ICE.

Aside from modest proposals to expand developmen­t aid to the source countries, the Democratic leadership has not campaigned on policy solutions that might motivate their voters.

Trump might yet provoke a backlash among swing voters. Hard-line immigratio­n rhetoric has failed to carry the day in elections such as the Virginia governor’s race last year. And the Democrats’ strategy of playing down immigratio­n in favor of health care might prove a winner.

But, win or lose, the Democrats will have paid a price. Their ability to contest Trump will be limited by their failure to confront him and to offer alternativ­e policies. And, even if they win one or both houses of Congress, they will have no mandate to make immigratio­n policy, because they never asked for one.

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