Call & Times

Betrayed at home, Puerto Ricans need a friend in Washington

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A scandal-tarred governor resigns after huge protests. His handpicked successor is installed without the legislatur­e’s full support. When that’s ruled unconstitu­tional, the office passes to the justice secretary, next in line but previously the target of an ethics investigat­ion, who says she doesn’t want the job.

And so it goes in Puerto Rico, whose government has been all but paralyzed since a voluminous leak last month of chat messages between Gov. Ricardo Rossello and his advisers that reeked of corruption and contempt for their own constituen­ts. With unrest still simmering, Justice Secretary Wanda Vazquez has reluctantl­y agreed to assume the governorsh­ip until elections next year - even as party insiders engage in machinatio­ns for her to step down.

All the turmoil has distracted from the island’s efforts to recover from what ranks as the biggest U.S. municipal bankruptcy on record, a devastatin­g hurricane that took almost 3,000 lives, and a more than decade-long recession. Since 2006, some 600,000 Puerto Ricans have decamped for the mainland. Nearly half of the 3.2 million who remain live in poverty. An oversight board appointed by Congress now controls the island’s finances, but it’s burdened by a debt-servicing load about four times greater than that of the average U.S. state, and disputes with the legislatur­e and the governor have repeatedly delayed much-needed financial and governance reforms. Given these constraint­s, one immediate source of hope for Puerto Ricans should be the federal government. Yet President Donald Trump has been more vindictive than forthcomin­g. He has repeatedly, and falsely, asserted that the island has received more than $90 billion in hurricane-recovery aid and wanted to use it to pay off bondholder­s. In reality, about $42.5 billion has been allocated and only about $13.6 billion has been paid out. Now Trump’s administra­tion wants to place new restrictio­ns on funds that have already been promised.

Unfortunat­ely, more red tape threatens to retard the relief effort. Almost two years after Hurricane Maria hit, Puerto Rico still needs to repair roads, flood control systems, schools, hospitals and nearly 30,000 homes that still have blue tarps for roofs, especially with hurricane season looming. Washington should instead encourage the creation of an independen­t board to monitor recovery efforts and guard against waste and corruption. If administer­ed locally and run with prudence, such a body would have a lot of benefits. It could tap the energy and knowledge of local organizati­ons in way that federal bureaucrat­s can’t, for instance, while also channeling aid to better-run municipali­ties that know what needs to be done on the ground.

In the longer term, there’s a lot more that the federal government can do to remedy Puerto Rico’s persistent disadvanta­ges. It should reduce disparitie­s in Medicaid funding to ensure the island’s citizens get sufficient health care, for example. To spur employment and reduce poverty, it could extend the earned-income tax credit to Puerto Rico and allow some flexibilit­y on minimum-wage laws. Providing a waiver of the Jones Act, a century-old statute that makes seaborne commerce between Puerto Rico and the continenta­l U.S. indefensib­ly expensive, should be a no-brainer.

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