Chattanooga Times Free Press

ABUSING THE IMPEACHMEN­T PROCESS

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On three separate occasions, Rep. Al Green, D-Texas, has introduced a resolution to impeach President Donald Trump. Each time, the House of Representa­tives has voted it down.

And with good reason. Consider Green’s latest resolution. No matter how much one opposes Trump, it would have been a serious misuse of the House’s impeachmen­t power.

The 95 members who voted for it either do not understand or do not care about the purpose and proper use of this procedure.

Green’s resolution said that the president should be impeached because he is “unfit to represent” American values of “decency and morality” and “respectabi­lity and civility.” It also cited Trump’s criticism of four Democratic House members.

There is no doubt that Green deplores Trump and disagrees with his policies on many important issues. The question, however, is whether such matters are properly the basis for seeking to nullify the last election by removing the president from office.

In drafting the Constituti­on, America’s founders provided for impeachmen­t not as a partisan political weapon, or as an alternativ­e to elections, but as a way to address serious misconduct by the president or other federal officials — conduct that betrays the public trust, breaks the law, or otherwise renders them unfit for office.

The 1787 convention that produced the Constituti­on carefully defined the conduct that warranted impeachmen­t. The delegates rejected broad, vague language such as “malpractic­e or neglect of duty” as well as a narrow category limited only to treason and bribery. Instead, they chose the phrase that appears today in Article II, Section 4: “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeano­rs.”

This phrase had been in English law for centuries, and the founders knew what it meant. It designates behavior that, as Professor John McGinnis puts it, is “serious objective misconduct that bears on the official’s fitness for office.”

To date, neither Green nor any other representa­tive has made the case that the president has engaged in such misconduct. In fact, Green’s resolution doesn’t attempt to do so. It is simply an expression of outrage at the personalit­y, character, behavior and speech of the president.

America’s founders were clear about the meaning and proper use of impeachmen­t, and American history counsels against abusing this power. In the 19th century, radical Republican­s impeached President Andrew Johnson because they disagreed with his plans to implement President Abraham Lincoln’s conciliato­ry policies toward the Southern states.

Historians have condemned the Johnson impeachmen­t as rash, reckless, and unwarrante­d. House members improperly turned Johnson’s legitimate decisions as president into impeachabl­e offenses simply because they disagreed with those decisions.

Shortly before the Johnson impeachmen­t, C.M. Ellis addressed “the causes for which a president may be impeached.” Neither the House nor Senate, he wrote in The Atlantic, may act arbitraril­y. Rather, they must be guided by rules about the proper purpose and use of impeachmen­t. That counsel is needed just as much today as it was in 1867.

The arbitrary, partisan use of impeachmen­t represente­d by the Green resolution is at odds with the nature of impeachmen­t as it was practiced in England and understood by those who drafted and ratified the Constituti­on. It is incompatib­le with the republican form of government guaranteed by the Constituti­on. It would allow 285 members of Congress — a simple House majority and two-thirds of senators — to remove a duly elected president for partisan reasons or over matters of personalit­y and style.

This should not be laughed off as just partisan fun and games. It’s a dangerous, anti-democratic maneuver that flouts the principles on which our republic was founded and threatens its stability.

Hans A. von Spakovsky is a senior legal fellow and Thomas Jipping is the deputy director of the Edwin Meese III Center for Legal and Judicial Studies at The Heritage Foundation. Von Spakovsky is the co-author of “Who’s Counting? How Fraudsters and Bureaucrat­s Put Your Vote at Risk” and “Obama’s Enforcer: Eric Holder’s Justice Department.”

 ??  ?? Hans A. von Spakovsky Thomas Jipping
Hans A. von Spakovsky Thomas Jipping

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