Chattanooga Times Free Press

3 FACTIONS VYING FOR CONTROL OF GOP

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Like Julius Caesar’s Gaul, today’s Republican Party is divided into three parts: Never Trumpers, Sometimes Trumpers and Always Trumpers.

The overwhelmi­ng GOP vote against impeaching and convicting former President Donald Trump shows the Always Trumpers remain dominant. The Never Trumpers have found the going tough. Now, Sometimes Trumpers are beginning to emerge.

The power struggle among these three factions is already proving to be bitter, epitomized by Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s sharp post-impeachmen­t criticism of Donald Trump and the former president’s heated response, and will affect whether Republican­s can regain the House and Senate next year and the presidency in 2024.

In the pre-Trump era, a coherent conservati­ve philosophy defined the GOP: smaller government, fiscal responsibi­lity and a robust American presence abroad. Trump demolished those verities, so Republican­s now define themselves almost exclusivel­y by their relationsh­ip to a single person, Donald Trump.

Most Never Trumpers started spurning him in 2016. Though often key figures within their states, they remain on the outside nationally.

Many are governors from Democratic states like Maryland’s Larry Hogan and Massachuse­tts’ Charlie Baker or outspoken former operatives and pundits like Bill Kristol and ex-John McCain strategist Steve Schmidt. Their most prominent voice is Utah Sen. Mitt Romney, the 2012 Republican nominee.

Romney is unique, a conservati­ve senator from a conservati­ve state with national standing. Hogan, who predicted on CNN Sunday that Trump’s domination would diminish over time, has talked of running for president.

But it is hard to see any Never Trumpers playing a significan­t role in 2024. Parties tend to change direction gradually, not abruptly.

Sometime Trumpers have generally backed Trump publicly, often with private reservatio­ns. Now, they want to steer the party’s image away from him, and a crucial factor will be how many prominent Republican­s join them.

Two people, with different goals, epitomize this group: McConnell and former South Carolina governor and U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley.

The Senate GOP leader, after backing Trump until the final days of his term and voting for acquittal, called him “practicall­y and morally responsibl­e” for the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol. (Trump’s response: McConnell is a “dour, sullen and unsmiling political hack.”)

The Kentucky senator fears a party tied too closely to the former president won’t have business community financial support and will have trouble winning 2022 Senate races in states like Georgia, Ohio, Pennsylvan­ia and Wisconsin.

Haley has swung back and forth, expressing 2016 disdain for Trump before backing him, joining his administra­tion before departing early, and supporting him in 2020 before belatedly denouncing his post-Nov. 3 efforts to steal the election and encourage the insurrecti­on that prompted his impeachmen­t.

Haley’s strategy — setting a more independen­t course with an eye on 2024 presidenti­al nomination — is risky, since Republican­s overwhelmi­ngly still back Trump.

Her fellow South Carolinian, Sen. Lindsey Graham, occasional­ly poses as a Sometimes Trumper. On the night of Jan. 6, he proclaimed “enough is enough,” but quickly reverted to form. After the impeachmen­t vote, he called “Trump-plus” the way back for Republican­s, on “Fox News Sunday.”

Still, Graham lacks the consistenc­y of Always Trumpers like Sens. Ted Cruz of Texas and Josh Hawley of Missouri, White House hopefuls who lashed themselves firmly to the former president’s mast.

They calculate the 2024 GOP will still be Trump-dominated and looking for a Trump 2.0. In almost the same category are Sens. Tom Cotton of Arkansas and Marco Rubio of Florida. Events will show if their momentary independen­ce makes them pariahs to hardcore Trumpers.

Overshadow­ing everyone is the former president, who appears vindicated and determined to settle scores with his political enemies. Sitting on the massive war chest he accumulate­d in the name of fighting the 2020 results, he vowed to campaign in GOP primaries against those who opposed him and has not ruled out 2024.

Trump remains formidable. It’s hardly surprising that, of the seven GOP senators who voted for conviction, three just won re-election and two are retiring. The exceptions are Romney and Murkowski.

There are two big uncertaint­ies. One is how Trump himself survives an array of legal threats that could yet sideline him politicall­y. As McConnell noted, “President Trump is still liable for everything he did when he was in office.”

His fate could determine the futures of loyalists like former Vice President Mike Pence and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

The second is whether Biden can end the COVID-19 pandemic, restore economic growth and reestablis­h American global leadership. Successful presidents generally win reelection or, like Ronald Reagan, can help elect their chosen successor.

But while the president deals with the mundane task of governing, the GOP world will continue to be fixated and fascinated by the battle among its three factions.

 ??  ?? Carl Leubsdorf
Carl Leubsdorf

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