Chicago Sun-Times

Election to obstructio­n: The probe’s offshoots

Russia inquiry ensnares several in Trump crew

- Gregory Korte @ gregorykor­te

It started with her emails.

Hillary Clinton’s emails were hacked — through both Democratic National Committee servers and the private ac- count of her campaign chairman — and released on the website Wikileaks.

The intelligen­ce community pointed the finger at Russia, and officials later said they believed the operation was part of a deliberate effort to sway the 2016 presidenti­al election.

There is, as of yet, no direct, public evidence that President Trump knew anything about the hacking — though he did say last July that he hoped Russia would be able to find official emails missing from Clinton’s home server.

But as tends to happen in Washing-

ton ( see Watergate, 1972- 74, and Whitewater, 1993- 98), one controvers­y can beget another until the central question becomes not what the president did but whether he obstructed the investigat­ion.

“They made up a phony collusion with the Russians story, found zero proof, so now they go for obstructio­n of justice on the phony story,” Trump tweeted Thursday.

And so it is five months into the Trump administra­tion, as the original firestorm over hacked emails has set into motion a series of offspring controvers­ies that have consumed the presidency.

Here’s a guide to the Russian hacking investigat­ion and its many offshoots:

RUSSIAN HACKING

In October, as the Clinton campaign was weathering near- daily disclosure­s of internal emails, 17 U. S. intelligen­ce agencies concluded the Russian government was behind the hacking. At the time, the agencies said only that Russia was attempting to interfere in the election. But in January, they released an even stronger assessment: Russian President Vladimir Putin personally ordered the hacking — to get Trump elected.

Trump, then president- elect, responded by complainin­g that the report was leaked to NBC News before he had a chance to read it. And he said it showed the election wasn’t tampered with because no votes were known to have been changed.

“Intelligen­ce stated very strongly there was absolutely no evidence that hacking affected the election results. Voting machines not touched!” he tweeted.

The Russian interferen­ce campaign also included “fake news” stories and propaganda from Russia- owned media, intelligen­ce reports said.

FLYNN’S CONTACTS

In December, incoming National Secu- rity Adviser Michael Flynn talked to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak about relaxing sanctions — a call reported in the Washington Post two weeks later. White House officials — including the vice president — insisted that it was a courtesy call and that sanctions were not discussed.

When that turned out not to be true, Trump fired Flynn.

That wasn’t the end of Flynn’s legal troubles. He also failed to disclose his lobbying for the Turkish government and didn’t get approval to work for a Russian state- owned media outlet.

KUSHNER’S ‘ BACK CHANNEL’

During the transition, Trump son- inlaw Jared Kushner met with Russian officials in an apparent attempt to create a “back channel” between the White House and the Kremlin.

That move could have used Russian communicat­ions methods and ap- peared designed to let the senior officials speak directly to their Russian counterpar­ts outside normal diplomatic and intelligen­ce protocols.

The White House said such communicat­ions are “an appropriat­e part of diplomacy.” But the communicat­ions could implicate federal laws governing communicat­ions with foreign powers: the Logan Act, a rarely used law forbidding private citizens from conducting foreign policy; the Espionage Act, which prohibits divulging state secrets; and the Foreign Agent Registrati­on Act, which requires those acting on behalf of a foreign power to disclose their contacts with the government.

Also, using Russian communicat­ions equipment could have made Kushner or anyone else vulnerable to blackmail.

Kushner, who later took on a formal role as an adviser to Trump, also allegedly failed to disclose meetings with Russians on security clearance forms.

SESSIONS’ TESTIMONY

During Jeff Sessions’ confirmati­on hearing as attorney general, Sen. Al Franken asked him about reports of communicat­ions between the Trump campaign and Russian government.

Sessions said he was unaware of any such contacts and then volunteere­d: “I have been called a surrogate at a time or two in that campaign, and I didn’t have — did not have communicat­ions with the Russians.”

That turned out not to be true. He met with the Russian ambassador at least twice as a U. S. senator. But whether Sessions committed perjury turns on whether he intended to deceive the Senate panel.

“My answer was honest and correct as I understood it at the time,” Sessions later said.

He later recused himself from inves-

tigations into the Russian matter.

TRUMP FIRES FBI DIRECTOR

Trump abruptly fired FBI Director James Comey — the man responsibl­e for the various Russia investigat­ions — on May 9. The purported reason: a memo from Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein excoriatin­g Comey for how he conducted an investigat­ion into Clinton’s mishandlin­g of classified informatio­n.

But Trump later told NBC’s Lester Holt he was thinking about “the Russian thing ” when he made the decision. And Comey later testified that Trump had repeatedly pressed him to publicly deny the president was personally under investigat­ion.

Special counsel Robert Mueller is now investigat­ing whether the president obstructed justice.

DISCLOSURE TO RUSSIANS

The day after firing Comey, the president met in the Oval Office with Kisylak and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. Trump reportedly told the two men that Comey was a “nut job” and that his firing relieved “great pressure” on him.

Separately, the Washington Post reported Trump divulged classified informatio­n to the Russian diplomats, giving them details of an intercepte­d plot to bomb planes using disguised laptops. While the president can legally share classified informatio­n with anyone, the intelligen­ce in question belonged to Israeli intelligen­ce agencies.

‘ I HOPE THERE ARE TAPES’

After firing Comey, Trump set off weeks of speculatio­n with a single tweet: “James Comey better hope that there are no ‘ tapes’ of our conversati­ons before he starts leaking to the press!”

Secretly recording conversati­ons in the White House isn’t illegal because the District of Columbia requires only one party of the conversati­on to consent to the recording. But those tapes, if they exist, could be evidence in an obstructio­n of justice investigat­ion, and Congress has officially requested that the White House turn over any tapes.

Comey has said the tapes would back up his testimony about the conversati­ons. “Lordy, I hope there are tapes,” he told the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee.

REALITY WINNER

Two weeks ago, the online publicatio­n The Intercept published a leaked National Security Agency memo documentin­g Russian attempts to hack election vendors and local election officials. The website said the memo showed that Russian hacking “may have penetrated further into U. S. voting systems than was previously understood.”

Hours later, the FBI arrested Reality Leigh Winner, an NSA contractor, and accused her of illegally leaking the memo.

Next week, the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee will hold a public hearing on Russian cyberattac­ks on U. S. election systems in 2016 and efforts to prevent it in future elections.

OBSTRUCTIO­N OF JUSTICE

After Comey was fired, Rosenstein appointed former FBI director Mueller as special counsel. His mandate: to investigat­e “any links and/ or coordinati­on between the Russian government and individual­s associated with the campaign of President Donald Trump” and “any matters that arose or may arise directly from the investigat­ion.”

But the special counsel regulation also allows the special counsel to “investigat­e and prosecute federal crimes committed in the course of, and with intent to interfere with, the special counsel’s investigat­ion such as perjury, obstructio­n of justice, destructio­n of evidence, and intimidati­on of witnesses.”

The Washington Post reported Wednesday that Mueller would interview two high- ranking intelligen­ce officials with an eye toward investigat­ing whether Trump obstructed justice. Those officials: Director of National Intelligen­ce Dan Coats and NSA Director Mike Rogers, who have declined to answer congressio­nal questions about their conversati­ons with the president.

Trump appeared to confirm that he was a target of the investigat­ion in a tweet Friday: “I am being investigat­ed for firing the FBI Director by the man who told me to fire the FBI Director! Witch Hunt,” he wrote.

 ?? JIM LO SCALZO, EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY ?? As probes into Russian interferen­ce with the 2016 U. S. election heated up, President Trump fired Michael Flynn, left, then James Comey. Now his son- in- law, Jared Kushner, is under fire.
JIM LO SCALZO, EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY As probes into Russian interferen­ce with the 2016 U. S. election heated up, President Trump fired Michael Flynn, left, then James Comey. Now his son- in- law, Jared Kushner, is under fire.
 ?? SHAWN THEW, EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY ??
SHAWN THEW, EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY
 ?? SUSAN WALSH, AP ??
SUSAN WALSH, AP
 ?? AFP/ GETTY IMAGES ?? President Trump speaks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, left, and ambassador Sergey Kislyak during a meeting at the White House on May 10. What started as an investigat­ion into possible Russian meddling in the 2016 presidenti­al election has...
AFP/ GETTY IMAGES President Trump speaks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, left, and ambassador Sergey Kislyak during a meeting at the White House on May 10. What started as an investigat­ion into possible Russian meddling in the 2016 presidenti­al election has...

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