China Daily Global Weekly

Shared responsibi­lity for good of all

China, US must work together to help the world overcome many grave challenges

- By KIM WON-SOO The author is former undersecre­tary-general of the United Nations. The author contribute­d this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessaril­y reflect those of China Daily.

Fifty years ago, the People’s Republic of China saw its seat get restored in the United Nations. Since then, the nation’s role on world stage has grown commensura­te with its economic rise.

As its economy has grown to be the world’s second-largest, China has become the second-largest contributo­r to the UN budget and the largest troop contributo­r to the UN peacekeepi­ng operations among the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. This has been a great achievemen­t. It is also a great inspiratio­n for many developing countries.

In that process, China has been a great beneficiar­y of multilater­alism, the liberal trading regime in particular. Multilater­alism represente­d by the UN, I argue, is now entering the fourth phase, “Multilater­alism 4.0” under the uni-bipolarity — one still dominated by the United States but with China close to catching up.

“Multilater­alism 1.0” was establishe­d after the end of World War II and maintained under the bipolarity of the US and the former Soviet Union during the Cold War period. The US-China detente in the early 1970s was an instrument­al factor that facilitate­d China’s restoratio­n in the UN and the end of the Cold War.

Subsequent­ly, “Multilater­alism 1.0” transition­ed to “Multilater­alism 2.0” under the unipolarit­y of the US in the initial post-Cold War period of the 1990s.

“Multilater­alism 2.0” was productive in global norm-making. Examples include the expansion of the UN’s peacekeepi­ng operations, the indefinite extension of the Nuclear Non-proliferat­ion Treaty, the adoption of the Comprehens­ive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, the establishm­ent of the Organizati­on for the Prohibitio­n of Chemical Weapons, as well as the Beijing Declaratio­n on Women’s Rights and the Millennium Developmen­t Goals.

Unfortunat­ely, however, it turned out to be short-lived due to the growing strains in the relations between the major powers.

At the start of the new millennium, the emerging uni-/multi-polarity produced “Multilater­alism 3.0” that was defined by the difference­s among major powers hampering consensus-building on most of the global and regional challenges.

In the evolution of each of these four phases, China has played a different but distinct role. At its heart lies the evolution of the US-China relationsh­ip. Growing competitio­n in the relationsh­ip was a critical factor that led to the short duration of “Multilater­alism 2.0” and its transition to “Multilater­alism 3.0” and now onto “Multilater­alism 4.0”.

“Multilater­alism 4.0” has yet to take a concrete shape, as the uncertaint­y and volatility in US-China relations is too great to allow a new order to be defined. The old order has faded away but the new order has not yet arrived.

What is certain is that the USChina relationsh­ip will be the key variable in the formation of “Multilater­alism 4.0”. But it is hard to predict how the relationsh­ip between the US and China and their respective relations with other countries will evolve. On a growing number of global and regional issues, it appears that elements of competitio­n show signs of expanding, some of which could develop into confrontat­ion.

This is worrisome, as the global challenges with wide scope and deep intensity are many and complex. Topping the list are the existentia­l threats against humanity such as the global unsustaina­bility crisis that is responsibl­e for climate change, weapons of mass destructio­n, terrorism, and the unchecked emerging disruptive technologi­es. Global challenges require global solutions. For that, global leadership is needed now more than ever before to restore global consensus.

The US and China, the two most powerful states, must find a way to manage their relationsh­ip, enhance their cooperatio­n and prevent their competitio­n and confrontat­ion from spiraling out of control. On any global or regional issue of importance to the internatio­nal community, US-China understand­ing is a necessary minimum condition to enable a much needed global consensus to be reached.

Given the scope and intensity of the challenges involved, no one country, no matter how powerful it is, can meet these alone. Working together is the only way forward. But that is easier said than done.

Obviously it takes two to tango. At the moment, however, both sides seem to argue the ball is in the other’s court. This is wrong, simply because humanity does not have much time left for action to escape the self-imposed perils of existentia­l threats. Before asking the other side to do something first, both sides should ask themselves what should be done to build confidence with the other side. For that, both China and the US have the following three tasks to do.

The first is the need for self-reflection. The mismatches of self-perception­s must be addressed. For China, there seems to be a gap between China’s

own perception about its abilities and internatio­nal responsibi­lities on the one hand and the expectatio­ns of the internatio­nal community on the other. Special care also needs to be taken to project its national image to the world in a more universall­y appealing and attractive way.

For the US, the view is increasing­ly conspicuou­s that the gap is perceived to be widening between its overseas commitment­s and its capabiliti­es. The withdrawal from Afghanista­n is the most recent example of the US rebalancin­g.

Second, the US and China should step up efforts to find more common ground. There exist a number of global challenges on which their mutual interests can converge and the urgency of collective action is high. Climate mitigation and adaptation actions are one such example. Another is how to prevent and counter the emerging risk of terrorists acquiring weapons of mass destructio­n and using cyberhacki­ng or other disruptive technologi­es.

Last but not least, China and the US need to sit down to talk to, not past, each other. There is no shortcut but to talk for problem-solving. Dialogue can start on the issues where common grounds are found.

Humanity faces a daunting and imminent task to overcome the existentia­l threats. We have no time to lose. The US and China share the historic responsibi­lity to get “Multilater­alism 4.0” right, and make the world a safer, more secure and better place for all. Failure is not an option.

 ?? MA XUEJING / CHINA DAILY ??
MA XUEJING / CHINA DAILY

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