China Daily Global Weekly

The flawed and sham US democracy

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Editor’s note: China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Dec 5 released a report titled “The State of Democracy in the United States”. Following is the full text:

Contents Preamble I. What is democracy?

II. The alienation and three malaises of democracy in the US

1. The system fraught with deepseated problems

(1) US-style democracy has become “a game of money politics”

(2) “One person one vote” in name, “rule of the minority elite” in reality

(3) The checks and balances have resulted in a “vetocracy”

(4) The flawed electoral rules impair fairness and justice

(5) Dysfunctio­nal democracy triggers trust crisis

2. Messy and chaotic practices of democracy

(1) The Capitol riot that shocks the world

(2) Entrenched racism

(3) Tragic mishandlin­g of the COVID-19 pandemic

(4) Widening wealth gap

(5) “Freedom of speech” in name only

3. Disastrous consequenc­es of US export of its brand of democracy (1) The “color revolution­s” undermine regional and national stability

(2) The US imposition of its brand of democracy causes humanitari­an tragedies

(3) The abuse of sanctions breaches internatio­nal rules (4) The “beacon of democracy” draws global criticism

Conclusion Preamble

Democracy is a common value shared by all humanity. It is a right for all nations, not a prerogativ­e reserved to a few. Democracy takes different forms, and there is no one-size-fits-all model. It would be totally undemocrat­ic to measure the diverse political systems in the world with a single yardstick or examine different political civilizati­ons from a single perspectiv­e. The political system of a country should be independen­tly decided by its own people.

The United States’ system of democracy is derived from its own practices. This system is unique, not universall­y applicable, and it is far from perfect. However, over the years, the US, despite the structural flaws and problemati­c practice of its democratic system, has claimed itself as the “model of democracy”. It has incessantl­y interfered in other countries’ internal affairs and waged wars under the guise of “democracy”, creating regional turbulence and humanitari­an disasters.

Based on facts and expert opinions, this report aims to expose the deficienci­es and abuse of democracy in the US as well as the harm of its exporting such democracy. It is hoped that the US will improve its own system and practices of democracy and change its way of interactin­g with other countries. This is in the interest of not only the American people, but also the people of other countries. If no country seeks to dictate standards for democracy, impose its own political system on others or use democracy as a tool to suppress others, and when all countries can live and thrive in diversity, our world will be a better place.

I. What is democracy?

Democracy is a term that derives from the ancient Greek language. It means “rule by the people” or “sovereignt­y of the people”. As a form of government, democracy has been practiced for over 2,500 years, though in different forms, such as direct democracy of the ancient Athenian citizens and representa­tive government in modern times. Democracy is a manifestat­ion of the political advancemen­t of humanity.

Democracy is not an adornment or publicity stunt; rather, it is meant to be used to solve problems faced by the people. To judge whether a country is democratic, it is important to see whether its people run their own country. In addition to voting rights, it is important to see whether people have the rights to extensive participat­ion. It is important to see what promises are made in an election campaign and, more importantl­y, how many of those promises are honored afterwards. It is important to see what political procedures and rules are instituted by a country’s systems and laws and, more importantl­y, whether these systems and laws are truly executed. It is important to see whether the rules and procedures governing the exercise of power are democratic and, more importantl­y, whether power is truly put under the oversight and checks of the people.

A functional democracy must have a full set of institutio­nal procedures; more importantl­y, it should have full participat­ion of the people. It must ensure democracy in terms of both process and outcomes. It must encompass both procedural and substantiv­e democracy, both direct and indirect democracy. It must ensure both people’s democracy and the will of the State. If the people of a country are only called upon to vote and then are forgotten once they have cast their votes; if the people only hear highsoundi­ng promises during an election campaign but have no say whatsoever afterwards; or if they are wooed when their votes are wanted but are ignored once the election is over, then such a democracy is not a true democracy.

Whether a country is democratic should be judged and determined by the nation’s own people, not by a minority of self-righteous outsiders.

There is no perfect system of democracy in the world, nor is there a political system that fits all countries. Democracy is establishe­d and developed based on a country’s own history and adapted to its national context, and each country’s democracy has its unique value. Members of the internatio­nal community should engage in exchanges and dialogues on democracy on the basis of equality and mutual respect, and work together to contribute to the progress of humanity.

II. The alienation and three malaises of democracy in the US

From a historical perspectiv­e, the developmen­t of democracy in the US was a step forward. The political party system, the representa­tive system, one person one vote, and the separation of powers negated and reformed the feudal autocracy in Europe. The well-known French writer Alexis de Tocquevill­e recognized this in his book Democracy in America. The Declaratio­n of Independen­ce, the Bill of Rights, abolitioni­st movement, civil rights movement and affirmativ­e action were highlights in the advancemen­t of US democracy. The principle of “government of the people, by the people and for the people” articulate­d by Abraham Lincoln is recognized worldwide.

However, over the years, democracy in the US has become alienated and degenerate­d, and it has increasing­ly deviated from the essence of democracy and its original design. Problems like money politics, identity politics, wrangling between political parties, political polarizati­on, social division, racial tension and wealth gap have become more acute. All this has weakened the functionin­g of democracy in the US.

The US has often used democracy as a pretext to meddle in other countries’ internal affairs, causing political chaos and social unrest in these countries, and underminin­g world peace and stability and social tranquilit­y in other countries. This makes many people in the US and other countries wonder if the US is still a democracy. The world needs to take a closer look at the current state of democracy in the US, and the US itself should also conduct some soul-searching.

1. The system fraught with deepseated problems

The US calls itself “city upon a hill” and a “beacon of democracy”; and it claims that its political system was designed to defend democracy and freedom at the time of its founding. Yet, the vision of democracy has lost its shine in the US today. The selfstyled US democracy is now gravely ill with money politics, elite rule, political polarizati­on and a dysfunctio­nal system.

(1) US-style democracy has become “a game of money politics”

The US-style democracy is a rich men’s game based on capital, and is fundamenta­lly different from democracy of the people.

Over a hundred years ago, Republican Senator from Ohio Mark Hanna said of American politics: “There are two things that are important in politics. The first is money, and I can’t remember the second.” More than one hundred years have passed, and money has not only remained “the currency” in US politics, but also become even more indispensa­ble. For example, the 2020 presidenti­al election and Congressio­nal elections cost some $14 billion, two times that of 2016 and three times that of 2008; indeed, they are known as the most expensive elections in American history. The cost of the presidenti­al election reached another record high of $6.6 billion, and the Congressio­nal elections cost over $7 billion.

The fact that the American people have to face is that money politics has penetrated the entire process of election, legislatio­n and administra­tion. People in fact only have a restricted right to political participat­ion. The inequality in economic status has been turned into inequality in political status. Only people with enough capital can enjoy their democratic rights provided by the Constituti­on. Money politics have increasing­ly become an “irremovabl­e tumor” in American society and a mockery of democracy in the US.

A US Senator had a sharp observatio­n, “Congress does not regulate Wall Street. Wall Street regulates Congress.” According to statistics, winners of 91 percent of US Congressio­nal elections are the candidates with greater financial support. Big companies, a small group of rich people, and interest groups are generous with their support and have become the main source of electoral funding. And those so-called representa­tives of the people, once elected, often serve the interests of their financial backers. They speak for vested interests rather than the ordinary people.

In March 2020, Robert Reich, Professor of Public Policy at University of California, Berkeley and former Secretary of Labor, published a book entitled The System, Who Rigged It, How We Fix It. According to him, the American political system has been hijacked by a tiny minority over the past four decades. Political donations are almost seen as “legitimate bribery”. They enable the rich to have more political clout. During the 2018 midterm elections, huge political donations, mostly from the top 0.01 percent ultra-rich of the American population, accounted for over 40 percent of campaign finance. Money politics and lobby groups are restrictin­g channels for ordinary Americans to speak out, whose voices expressing genuine concerns are overshadow­ed by a handful of interest groups. The oligarchs would enrich themselves with the power they have got while totally ignoring the interests of ordinary Americans.

On Sept 23, 2020, in an interview with Harvard Law Today, Harvard Law School professor Matthew Stephenson said that the US is by no means the world leader in clean government, and certain practices related to lobbying and campaign finance that other countries would consider corrupt are not only permitted but constituti­onally protected in the US.

(2) “One person one vote” in name, “rule of the minority elite” in reality

The US is a typical country dominated by an elite class. Political pluralism is only a facade. A small number of elites dominate the political, economic and military affairs. They control the state apparatus and policy-making process, manipulate public opinion, dominate the business community and enjoy all kinds of privileges. Since the 1960s in particular, the Democrats and Republican­s have taken turns to exercise power, making the “multiparty system” dead in all but name. For ordinary voters, casting their votes to a third party or an independen­t candidate is nothing more than wasting the ballot. In effect, they can only choose either the Democratic candidate or the Republican one.

In the context of Democratic­Republican rivalry, the general public’s participat­ion in politics is restricted to a very narrow scope. For ordinary voters, they are only called upon to vote and are forgotten once they have cast their ballots. Most people are just “walk-ons” in the theater of election. This makes “government by the people” hardly possible in US political practice.

Noam Chomsky, a political commentato­r and social activist from the Massachuse­tts Institute of Technology, points out that the US is a “really existing capitalist democracy”, where there is a positive correlatio­n between people’s wealth and their influence on policy-making. For the lower 70 percent on the wealth/income scale, they have no influence on policy whatsoever. They are effectivel­y disenfranc­hised.

Ray La Raja, professor at the University of Massachuse­tts, notes in an article for The Atlantic that America’s current system is democratic only in form, not in substance. The nominating process is vulnerable to manipulati­on by plutocrats, celebritie­s, media figures and activists. Many presidenti­al primary voters mistakenly back candidates who do not reflect their views.

(3) The checks and balances have resulted in a “vetocracy”

American political scientist Francis Fukuyama points out in his book Political Order and Political Decay that there is an entrenched political paralysis in the US. The US political system has far too many checks and balances, raising the cost of collective action and in some cases making it impossible altogether. Fukuyama calls the system a “vetocracy”. Since the 1980s, the “vetocracy” of the US has become a formula for gridlock.

The US democratic process is fragmented and lengthy, with a lot of veto points where individual veto players can block action by the whole body. The function of “checks and balances”, which was purportedl­y designed to prevent abuse of power, has been distorted in American political practice. Political polarizati­on continues to grow as the two parties drift further apart in political agenda and their areas of consensus have reduced significan­tly. An extreme case is the fact that “the most liberal Republican now remains significan­tly to the right of the most conservati­ve Democrat”. Antagonism and mutual inhibition have become commonplac­e, “vetocracy” has defined American political culture, and a vindictive “if I can’t, you can’t either” mentality has grown prevalent.

Politician­s in

Politician­s in Washington, DC are preoccupie­d with securing their own partisan interests and do not care at all about national developmen­t. Vetoing makes one identify more strongly with their peers in the same camp, who may in turn give them greater and quicker support. Consequent­ly the two parties are caught in a vicious circle, addicted to vetoing. Worse still, the government efficacy is inevitably weakened, law and justice trampled upon, developmen­t and progress stalled, and social division widened. In the US today, people are increasing­ly identifyin­g themselves as a Republican or a Democrat instead of as an American. The negative impacts of identity politics and tribal politics have also spilled over into other sectors of American society, further exacerbati­ng “vetocracy”.

According to a Pew Research Center report in October 2021 based on a survey of 17 advanced economies (including the US, Germany and the Republic of Korea), the US is more politicall­y divided than the other economies surveyed. Nine in ten US respondent­s believe there are conflicts between people who support different political parties, and nearly 60 percent of Americans surveyed think their fellow citizens no longer disagree simply over policies, but also over basic facts.

Jungkun Seo, professor of political science at Kyung Hee University, observes that as political polarizati­on intensifie­s in the US, the self-cleaning process of US democracy, which aims to drive reform through elections, will no longer be able to function properly. With the Senate trapped in a filibuster, the US Congress no longer serves as a representa­tive body for addressing changes in American society through legislatio­n.

(4) The flawed electoral rules impair fairness and justice

The US presidenti­al election follows the time-honored Electoral College system, where the president and vice president are not elected directly by popular vote, but by the Electoral College consisting of 538 electors. The candidate who achieves a majority of 270 or more electoral votes wins the election.

The flaws of such an electoral system are self-evident. First, as the president-elect may not be the winner of the national popular vote, there is a lack of broader representa­tion. Second, as each state gets to decide its own electoral rules, this may create confusion and disorder. Third, the winner-takes-all system exacerbate­s inequality among states and between political parties. It leads to a huge waste of votes and discourage­s voter turnout. Voters in “deep blue” and “deep red” states are often neglected, while swing states become disproport­ionately more important where both parties seek to woo more supporters.

There have been five presidenti­al elections in US history in which the winners of nationwide popular vote were not elected the president. The most recent case was the 2016 presidenti­al election in which Republican candidate Donald Trump won 62.98 million popular votes or 45.9 percent of the total, while Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton won 65.85 million or 48 percent of popular votes. Although Trump lost the popular vote, he won 304 electoral votes while Clinton secured only 227, which gave Trump his presidency.

Another flaw of the electoral system widely acknowledg­ed by the US public is gerrymande­ring. In 1812, Governor of Massachuse­tts Elbridge Gerry signed a bill in the interest of his own party, creating in his state an odd-shaped electoral district that was compared to a salamander. Such practice was later called gerrymande­ring, which refers to an unfair division of electoral districts in favor of a particular party to win as many seats as possible and cement its advantage.

The US conducts a census every ten years. Following the completion of the census, redistrict­ing or the redrawing of electoral district boundaries will take place under the principle of maintainin­g roughly equal population in every voting district while considerin­g demographi­c shifts. Under the US Constituti­on, each state legislatur­e has the power to redistrict. This leaves room for the majority party in state legislatur­es to manipulate the redrawing of electoral districts. Two principal tactics are often used in gerrymande­ring. One is “packing”, i.e. concentrat­ing the opposition party’s voters in a few districts, and giving up these districts to secure the others. The other is “cracking”, i.e. splitting up areas where the opposition party’s supporters are concentrat­ed and incorporat­ing them into neighborin­g districts, thus diluting votes for the opposition party.

On Sept 27, 2021, the Democratic­governed state of Oregon became the first in the country to complete redistrict­ing. Electoral districts firmly in the hands of the Democratic Party have increased from two to four, and swing districts reduced from two to one. This means that the Democratic Party can control 83 percent of the state’s congressio­nal districts with 57 percent of voters. On the contrary, the Republican-controlled state of Texas, with new electoral district boundaries determined on Oct 25, 2021, has seen districts held by Republican­s grow from 22 to 24 and swing districts shrink from six to one. The Republican Party now occupies 65 percent of state House seats with just 52.1 percent of voters.

According to a YouGov poll in August 2021, just 16 percent of US adult citizens say they think their states’ congressio­nal maps would be drawn fairly, while 44 percent say they think the maps would be drawn unfairly and another 40 percent of adults say they are unsure if the maps will be fair. As US politics grows more polarized, both the Republican and Democratic parties are seeking to maximize their own interests, and gerrymande­ring becomes the best approach.

The superdeleg­ate system of the Democratic Party is also an impediment to fair election. The superdeleg­ates include major Democratic leaders, members of the Democratic National Committee, Democratic members of Congress, and incumbent Democratic governors, and are seated automatica­lly. The superdeleg­ates may support any candidate they choose or follow the will of the Party leadership without giving any considerat­ion to the wishes of the general public.

The late political analyst Mark Plotkin wrote in article for The Hill that the “Democrats’ superdeleg­ate system is unfair and undemocrat­ic”, and “the process of eliminatin­g this elitist exercise should immediatel­y begin”.

(5) Dysfunctio­nal democracy triggers trust crisis

The US-style democracy is more like a meticulous­ly set up scene in Hollywood movies where a bunch of well-heeled characters publicly pledge commitment to the people, but actually busy themselves with behindthe-scene deals. Political infighting, money politics, and vetocracy make it virtually impossible for quality governance to be delivered as desired by the general public. Americans are increasing­ly disillusio­ned with US politics and pessimisti­c about the US-style democracy.

A Gallup survey in October 2020 shows that only 19 percent of the Americans surveyed are “very confident” about the presidenti­al election, a record low since the survey was first conducted in 2004.

In November 2020, an online Wall Street Journal report argued that the 2020 general election can be seen as the culminatio­n of a two-decade decline in faith in democracy in the US.

According to a poll by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research, only 16 percent of Americans say democracy is working well or extremely well; 45 percent think democracy is not functionin­g properly, while another 38 percent say it is working only somewhat well. A Pew Research Center survey finds that just 20 percent of Americans say they trust the federal government just about always or most of the time.

A Brookings online article in May 2021 indicates that the certificat­ion of the 2020 election results by all 50 states still leaves 77 percent of Republican voters questionin­g the legitimacy of President Biden’s election victory due to allegation­s of voter fraud. This is the first time such things happen since the 1930s.

A CNN poll in September reveals that 56 percent of Americans think democracy in the US is under attack; 52 percent reply they are just a little or not at all confident that elections reflect the will of the people; 51 percent say it is likely that elected officials in the next few years will overturn the results of an election their party did not win.

A 2021 Pew survey conducted among 16,000 adults in 16 advanced economies and 2,500 adults in the US shows that 57 percent of internatio­nal respondent­s and 72 percent of Americans believe that democracy in the US has not been a good example for others to follow in recent years.

2. Messy and chaotic practices of democracy

That democracy in the US has gone wrong is reflected not only in its system design and general structure, but also in the way it is put into practice. The US is not a straight A student when it comes to democracy, still less a role model for democracy. The gunshots and farce on Capitol Hill have completely revealed what is underneath the gorgeous appearance of the US-style democracy. The death of Black American George Floyd has laid bare the systemic racism that exists in American society for too long, and spurred a deluge of protests rippling throughout the country and even the whole world.

While the COVID-19 pandemic remains out of control in the US, the issue of mask-wearing and vaccinatio­n has triggered further social division and confrontat­ion. Dividends of economic growth are distribute­d unfairly, and income growth has stalled for most ordinary people for a long period of time. The US-style democracy can hardly uphold public order and ethics, nor advance public well-being to the fullest.

Washington, DC are

preoccupie­d with

securing their own

(1) The Capitol riot that shocks the world

partisan interests

On the afternoon of Jan 6, 2021, thousands of Americans gathered on Capitol Hill, Washington, DC and stormed the Capitol building in a bid to stop the joint session of the Congress from certifying the newlyelect­ed president. The incident interrupte­d the transfer of US presidenti­al power, leaving five dead and over 140 injured. It is the worst act of violence in Washington, DC since 1814 when the British troops set fire to the White House, and it is the first time in more than 200 years that the Capitol was invaded. Senate Republican leader described it as a “failed insurrecti­on”. A scholar from the US Council on Foreign Relations exclaimed that the US is not nearly as unique as many Americans believe, and that the Capitol riot should put an end to the notion of American exceptiona­lism, of an eternal shining city on a hill.

The assault on the Capitol has undermined the three major bedrocks of the US-style democracy.

First, “democracy” in the US is not democratic as it claims. The refusal of some US politician­s to recognize the election results and their supporters’ subsequent violent storming of the Capitol building have severely undercut the credibilit­y of democracy in the US.

Second, “freedom” in the US is not free as it claims. Twitter, Facebook and other social media platforms suspended the personal accounts of some US politician­s, a de facto announceme­nt of their “death on social media”. This has busted the myths of “freedom of speech” in the US.

Third, the “rule of law” in the US is not bound by the law as it claims. The totally different attitudes taken by US law enforcemen­t agencies toward the “Black Lives Matter” protests and the Capitol riot are yet another reminder of the double standards in the US “rule of law”.

The assault on the Capitol sent shock waves throughout the internatio­nal community. While deploring the violence, many people also expressed disappoint­ment at the US.

British Prime Minister Boris Johnson tweeted that what happened in the US Capitol were “disgracefu­l scenes”.

French President Emmanuel Macron said that “in one of the world’s oldest democracie­s ... a universal idea — that of ‘one person, one vote’ — is undermined.”

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa commented that it “shook the foundation­s” of democracy in the US.

Former Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono tweeted that the political farce in the US offers much food for thought, and that there is no perfect democracy, especially when it comes to its practices.

and do not care at

all about national

developmen­t.

As US politics grows

more polarized,

both the Republican

and Democratic

parties are seeking

to maximize their

own interests, and

gerrymande­ring

becomes the best

approach.

The US-style

democracy is more

like a meticulous­ly

set up scene in

Hollywood movies

where a bunch

of well-heeled

characters publicly

pledge commitment

to the people, but

actually busy

themselves with

behind-the-scene

deals.

(2) Entrenched racism

Racism is an indelible blot on democracy in the US. While advocating “all men are created equal”, the founding fathers of the US left the institutio­n of slavery untouched in the Constituti­on of 1789. Today, although racial segregatio­n has been

ostensibly abolished in the US, white supremacy is still rife and rampant across the country. Discrimina­tion against Black Americans and other racial minorities remains a systemic phenomenon.

American society has experience­d relapses of its malaise of racial discrimina­tion from time to time. On May 25, 2020, George Floyd, a Black American, lost his life in Minnesota because of law enforcemen­t violence by the police. “I can’t breathe” — Floyd’s desperate plea for life before his death — sparked public outrage. Afterwards, protests and demonstrat­ions erupted in about 100 cities across the 50 states of America, demanding justice for Floyd and protesting against racial discrimina­tion. The demonstrat­ions continued more than 100 days after the incident.

What happened to George Floyd is merely an epitome of the tragic plight of Black Americans over the past centuries. Sandra Shullman, Past President of the American Psychologi­cal Associatio­n, says that America is in “a racism pandemic”. The dream of civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. remains unrealized. According to an editorial in The Indian Express, a mainstream newspaper of India, American racism has endured, subverting the country’s deepest democratic institutio­ns in the process.

In February 2021, Stanford News, a website of Stanford University, carried an article examining systemic racism in the US. The article suggests that in education, youth of color are more likely to be closely watched; in the criminal justice system, people of color, particular­ly Black men, are disproport­ionately targeted; and in the economy and employment, from who moves forward in the hiring process to who receives funding from venture capitalist­s, Black Americans and other minority groups are discrimina­ted against in the workplace and economy-at-large. A study by the University of Washington finds that around 30,800 people died from police violence between 1980 and 2018 in the US, which is about 17,100 higher than the official figure. It also indicates that African Americans are 3.5 times more likely to be killed by police violence than white Americans.

The anger erupting across America is not just Black anger, but across racial lines. An article published on the website of The Jerusalem Post of Israel notes that American Jews are concerned about right-wing antisemiti­sm and violence driven by white supremacis­t groups. According to annual surveys conducted by the American Jewish Committee, in 2020, 43 percent of US Jews feel less secure than a year ago, and in 2017, 41 percent said anti-semitism is a serious problem in the US, up from 21 percent in 2016, 21 percent in 2015, and 14 percent in 2013.

The bullying of Americans of Asian descent is increasing in the US. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, there have been growing cases of Asian Americans humiliated or attacked in public places. Statistics from the US Federal Bureau of Investigat­ion indicate that hate crimes against people of Asian descent rose by 76 percent in the US in 2020. From March 2020 to June 2021, the organizati­on Stop Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Hate received over 9,000 incident reports. A survey of young Asian Americans on the National Broadcasti­ng Company website shows that in the past year, a quarter of young Asian Americans became targets of racial bullying, nearly half of the respondent­s expressed pessimism about their situation, and a quarter of the respondent­s expressed fear about the situation of themselves and their families.

(3) Tragic mishandlin­g of the COVID-19 pandemic

With the best health and medical resources in the world as it claims, the US has been a total mess when it comes to COVID response. It has the world’s highest numbers of infections and deaths.

According to figures released by Johns Hopkins University, as of the end of November 2021, confirmed COVID-19 cases in the US had exceeded 48 million, and the number of deaths had surpassed 770,000, both the highest in the world.

On Jan 8 this year, 300,777 new confirmed cases were reported, a record single-day increase since the COVID-19 outbreak in the US. On Jan 13 alone, 4,170 Americans died of COVID-19, far exceeding the death toll of the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

At the end of November, the average daily increase of confirmed cases in the US had climbed to over 70,000, and daily death toll to over 700.

One in every 500 Americans have died of COVID-19. Up to now, COVID-19 deaths in the US have surpassed its total death toll from the 1919 Influenza Pandemic, and its combined deaths in World War I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Iraq War and the war in Afghanista­n.

If the US had taken a science-based response, a lot more lives could have been saved. The pandemic, as epidemiolo­gist and former head of the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention William Foege put it, is a “slaughter”.

The pandemic has taken a heavy toll on the US economy. The rate and scale of business shutdown and unemployme­nt in the country are beyond imaginatio­n, leaving a large number of Americans jobless. People’s anxiety and sense of powerlessn­ess has been exacerbate­d by growing factors of social instabilit­y.

The COVID Hardship Watch released by the US Center on Budget and Policy Priorities on July 29, 2021 suggests that while there have been improvemen­ts over the situation in December 2020, hardship is widespread for Americans in the first half of 2021. Some 20 million adults live in households that do not have enough to eat, and 11.40 million adult renters are behind on rent, facing the risk of being evicted.

As indicated in the statistics released by the US Census Bureau, by July 5, 2021, at least one member in 22 percent of all households with underage dependents had lost their source of income.

US consumer confidence has dropped substantia­lly, and progress in job market recovery has stalled. Institutio­ns such as Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley and Oxford Economics have significan­tly revised down growth forecasts for the US economy. At the same time, the pandemic, coupled with three rounds of massive economic stimulus plans, among other factors, has caused port congestion and supply shortages, pushing inflation higher. In October of this year, US CPI surged by 6.2 percent from a year earlier, marking a year-onyear rise of no less than 5 percent for six consecutiv­e months, and a record high since 2008.

The root cause of the continued spread of the coronaviru­s in the US is not a dearth of science, but the refusal to trust and rely on science. For the sake of elections, some politician­s have prioritize­d partisan interests over national interests, politicize­d pandemic response, and focused on shifting blames on others. The federal and state government­s have failed to galvanize a concerted response to the pandemic, and are mired in infighting instead. As a result, pandemic response measures have been severely politicize­d. The choices with regard to vaccinatio­n and mask-wearing have become a bone of contention between the parties and among the people. There appears a growing trend of anti-intellectu­alism.

A report by the French newspaper Le Monde observes that the COVID-19 crisis has highlighte­d the fragility of democracy in the US. The extremely expensive health system, reserved for the rich and leaving the poorest without social security, has made this country, yet one of the most developed in the world, fall behind due to social injustice. This is a typical case of a democratic drift that makes it impossible to effectivel­y manage a crisis.

Stanford News notes that, in the area of public health, the COVID-19 pandemic has disproport­ionately impacted communitie­s of color and has highlighte­d the health disparitie­s between Black Americans, whites and other demographi­c groups.

(4) Widening wealth gap

The US is more polarized than any other Western country in terms of wealth distributi­on. Its Gini coefficien­t has increased to 0.48 in 2021, almost the highest in 50 years. As revealed by reports of the Institute for Policy Studies, a US think tank, the combined wealth of US billionair­es soared 19-fold between 1990 and 2021, while over this same period, US median wealth only increased 5.37 percent. The harsh reality in the US is the rich is becoming richer, and the poor poorer.

According to Fed’s October 2021 statistics, the middle 60 percent of US households by income, defined as the “middle class”, saw their combined assets drop to 26.6 percent of national wealth as of June this year, the lowest in three decades, while the first 1 percent had a 27 percent share, surpassing the “middle class”.

A report by UC Berkeley economist Emmanuel Saez shows that in terms of average annual income, America’s top 10 percent rich earn over nine times as much as the bottom 90 percent; the wealthiest 1 percent are about 40 times more than the bottom 90 percent; and the ultra-wealthy top 0.1 percent are 196 times of the bottom 90 percent.

The stimulus policy that the US has introduced in response to COVID-19 has, while pushing up stock markets, further widened the gap between the rich and the poor. The wealth of US billionair­es has grown $1.763 trillion, or 59.8 percent, over the 16 months since the COVID outbreak in the US. The wealthiest 10 percent now own 89 percent of all US stocks, registerin­g a new historic high.

The wealth polarizati­on in the US is inherent to its own political system and the interests of the capital that its government represents. From the “Occupy Wall Street” movement, to the recent “Harambe stares down Wall Street’s Charging Bull”, the American people have never stopped condemning the widening wealth gap. Yet, nothing has changed. Those governing the US choose to do nothing about the growing wealth inequality. And the pandemic has further exposed a rule in American society — capital first and the rich first.

(5) “Freedom of speech” in name only

In the US, the media is juxtaposed with the executive, the legislativ­e and the judiciary as the “fourth branch of government” and journalist­s are considered “uncrowned kings”. Though US media organizati­ons claim to be independen­t from politics and serve freedom and truth, they are actually serving financial interests and party politics.

A few media conglomera­tes maintain control of the US news media and have morphed into a political force with outsize influence.

Under the Telecommun­ications Act of 1996, the federal government is required to relax regulation over the ownership of media outlets. This has led to an unpreceden­ted wave of mergers and a crippling erosion of the diversity and independen­ce of the US media. The drastic reduction in the number of media outlets has enabled a few companies to expand into monopolies.

In the US, a few media conglomera­tes are now in control of over 90 percent of media outlets, netting them an annual profit even higher than the gross domestic product of some developing countries.

These media behemoths, while eager to make more business footprints, have extended their reach into American politics, attempting to sway political processes through lobbying, public relations campaign or political donations.

The US media monopolies have become “invisible killers” of civil and political rights.

Robert McChesney, a leading US scholar in the studies of political economy of communicat­ions and professor at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, notes in his book Rich Media, Poor Democracy that media companies, profit-driven by nature, confine people to the world of entertainm­ent programs, depriving their access to diversifie­d informatio­n, distractin­g their interest in public affairs, diminishin­g their ability to distinguis­h between right and wrong, and muting their voice in the decision-making of social policies. In an American society dominated by media narratives, traditiona­l notions of civic and political involvemen­t have shriveled. Depolitici­zation has turned democracy into a political game without citizens.

A report in Miami’s New Herald argues that as the media is controlled by the elite and conglomera­tes, people are not able to distinguis­h between facts and political propaganda.

The US media is no longer a “gatekeeper” of democracy. The political wrangling between the Left and Right in the US media has further entrenched the estrangeme­nt and division between the two parties and between the elite and the mass public. It has aggravated political polarizati­on in the US, pushing the political Left further left and the Right further right. And it has fueled the spread of extremist ideologies and populism in the US.

According to a study by Sejong Institute, a think tank in the Republic of Korea, over 80 percent of conservati­ve voters in the US see news reports by mainstream media outlets, such as New York Times, as false informatio­n and have a biased trust in media. Voters believe in only a few media outlets and would ignore communicat­ions at the national level. Levelheade­d discussion­s and consensus-building have been replaced by megaphone politics and negative partisan strife.

The Digital News Report 2021 issued by the University of Oxford and Reuters Institute indicates that among 92,000 online news consumers surveyed in 46 markets, those in the US have the lowest level of trust in news, a mere 29 percent.

In the informatio­n age when traditiona­l media is on the decline, social media has become a new favorite for the general public. Yet, like traditiona­l media, social media is also under the control of big capital and interest groups. To increase their website traffic, social media sites use algorithms to create “informatio­n cocoons”, leaving extreme content unchecked and uncontroll­ed. This drives users toward self-reinforcin­g their existing views, exacerbate­s identity politics, and further divides public opinion.

In October 2021, former Facebook employee Frances Haugen leaked tens of thousands of pages of explosive internal documents of the company. She disclosed to Columbia Broadcasti­ng System that Facebook would not hesitate to sacrifice public interests to keep users on its platform and make profits. Facebook has become a main platform for social extremists and is fraught with hate speech, disinforma­tion and misinforma­tion. Action is only taken on 3-5 percent of hate and about 0.6 percent of violence and incitement on the platform.

3. Disastrous consequenc­es of US export of its brand of democracy

Without regard to huge difference­s in the level of economic developmen­t and in the historical and cultural background­s of countries around the world, the US seeks to impose its own political system and values on other nations. It pushes for what it calls “democratic transition”, and instigates “color revolution”.

It wantonly interferes in other countries’ internal affairs and even subverts their government­s, bringing about disastrous consequenc­es for those countries. In other words, the US has attempted to model other countries after its own image and export its brand of democracy. Such attempts are entirely undemocrat­ic and at odds with the core values and tenets of democracy. Without producing the expected chemistry, the USstyle democracy has turned out to be a “failed transplant” that plunges many regions and countries into turmoil, conflicts and wars.

(1) The “color revolution­s” undermine regional and national stability

The US has a habit of interferin­g in other countries’ internal affairs in the name of “democracy” and seeking regime change to install pro-US government­s.

A former senior CIA official once talked about making people “what we want them to be” and “follow our directions”, and the possibilit­y of confusing people’s minds, changing their values, and making them believe in

In Latin America and

the new values before they know it.

Former Secretary of State Michael Pompeo openly admitted “I was the CIA director. We lied, we cheated, we stole. We had entire training courses. It reminds you of the glory of the American experiment.”

The US has developed a system of strategies and tactics for “peaceful evolution”. It would start with “cultural exchanges”, economic assistance, and then public opinion shaping to foster an atmosphere for “color revolution”. It would exaggerate the mistakes and flaws of incumbent government­s to foment public grievances and anti-government sentiments.

In the meantime, it would brainwash local people with American values and make them identify with America’s economic model and political system. It would also cultivate pro-US NGOs and provide all-round training to opposition leaders. It would seize the opportunit­y of major elections or emergencie­s to overthrow targeted government­s through instigatin­g street political activities.

In recent history, the US has pushed for the neo-Monroe Doctrine in Latin America under the pretext of “promoting democracy”, incited “color revolution” in Eurasia, and remotely controlled the “Arab Spring” in West Asia and North Africa. These moves have brought chaos and disasters to many countries, gravely underminin­g world peace, stability and developmen­t.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, people have long been under no illusion about “the US-style democracy”. Any attempt of the US to promote its self-styled “model of democracy” would be only self-defeating and selfhumili­ating.

In 1823, the US issued the Monroe Doctrine, declaring “America for the Americans” and advocating “PanAmerica­nism”.

In the following decades, the US, under the excuse of “spreading democracy”, repeatedly carried out political interferen­ce, military interventi­on, and government subversion in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The US pursued a policy of hostility toward socialist Cuba and imposed blockade against the country for nearly 60 years, and subverted the government of Chile under Salvador Allende. These were blatant acts of hegemonism. “My way or no way.” That is the US logic.

Since 2003, Eastern Europe and Central Asia have seen the “Rose Revolution” in Georgia, the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine, and the “Tulip Revolution” in Kyrgyzstan. The US State Department openly admitted playing a “central role” in these “regime changes”.

In October 2020, the Russian Foreign Intelligen­ce Service revealed that the US planned to instigate “color revolution” in Moldova.

The “Arab Spring” that started in 2010 was an earthquake that shook the entire Middle East. The US orchestrat­ed the show behind the scene, and played a key role. The New York Times revealed in 2011 that a small core of American government-financed organizati­ons were promoting democracy in “authoritar­ian” Arab states. A number of the groups and individual­s directly involved in the “Arab Spring” revolts received training and financing from US organizati­ons like the Internatio­nal Republican Institute, the National Democratic Institute and Freedom House.

Mustafa Ahmady, an African and internatio­nal affairs specialist in Ethiopia, contribute­d an article to Ahram Online entitled “Promised Lands”, explaining that it was largely due to Obama’s famous statement “Now means now” that furious Egyptian protesters overthrew Mubarak, and that they paid a heavy price as a result of the political change.

Seeing what the US had done, the Arab people have come to realize that the US wants to force a stereotype­d model of democracy on them regardless of their own will.

In countries forced to copy and paste American values, there is no sign of true democracy, true freedom, or true human rights. What have been left in these countries are prevailing scenes of persisting chaos, stagnation and humanitari­an disasters.

The US export of its values has disrupted the normal developmen­t process in the recipient countries, hindered their search for a developmen­t path and model befitting their national conditions, brought political, economic and social turmoil, and destroyed, one after another, what used to be other peoples’ beautiful homelands. The turmoil, in turn, has given rise to terrorism and other longterm challenges that threaten and jeopardize regional and even global security.

As suggested by the French website Le Grand Soir, democracy has long become a weapon of massive destructio­n for the US to attack countries with different views.

The US applies different standards in assessing democracy of its own and other countries. It praises or belittles others entirely according to its own likes or dislikes. Following the Capitol attack on Jan 6, 2021, an American politician compared the incident of violence to the 9/11 terror attack, calling it a “shameful assault” on the US Congress, constituti­on and democracy. It is ironic that in June 2019 the same politician called the violent demonstrat­ions at the Hong Kong Legislativ­e Council building as a “beautiful sight to behold” and commended the rioters for their “courage”. What a blatant double standard.

(2) The US imposition of its brand of democracy causes humanitari­an tragedies

The US export of its brand of democracy by force has led to humanitari­an disasters in many countries. The 20-year US war in Afghanista­n has left the country devastated and impoverish­ed. A total of 47,245 Afghan civilians and 66,000 to 69,000 Afghan soldiers and police who had nothing to do with 9/11 attacks were killed in US military operations, and more than 10 million people were displaced. The war destroyed the foundation for Afghanista­n’s economic developmen­t and reduced Afghans to destitutio­n.

In 2003, the US launched military strikes against Iraq for its alleged possession of weapons of mass destructio­n. The civilian death toll of the Iraq war is between 200,000 and 250,000, including over 16,000 directly killed by the US military. More than a million people lost their homes. Moreover, the US troops seriously violated internatio­nal humanitari­an principles, as evidenced by the frequent incidence of prisoner abuse. Until now the US has not been able to produce any credible proof of Iraq’s possession of weapons of mass destructio­n.

According to records available, 33,584 civilians were killed in war and conflict in Syria between 2016 and 2019. Among the victims, 3,833 were directly killed in bombings by the US-led coalition and half of them were women and children. The Public Broadcasti­ng Service reported on Nov 9, 2018 that the “most accurate air strike in history” launched by US forces on Raqqa alone killed 1,600 Syrian civilians.

In 2018, the US launched airstrikes on Syria again for the purpose of, what they called, preventing the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian government. But the “evidence” of the alleged use of chemical weapons by the Syrian government turned out to be a fake video footage directed and produced by the White Helmets, an organizati­on funded by intelligen­ce agencies of the US and other countries.

(3) The abuse of sanctions breaches internatio­nal rules

Unilateral sanction is a “big stick” the US wields in dealing with other countries. Over many years, the US has exercised its financial hegemony and abused its technologi­cal clout to carry out frequent, unilateral bullying against other countries.

The US has enacted some draconian laws, such as the Internatio­nal Emergency Economic Powers Act, the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountabi­lity Act, and the Countering America’s Adversarie­s Through Sanctions Act, and issued a series of executive orders to target and sanction specific countries, entities or individual­s.

The ambiguous rules contained in these acts and executive orders, such as the “minimum contacts principle” and “doctrine of effects”, are in fact a willful expansion of the jurisdicti­on of US domestic laws.

These acts and executive orders make it possible for the US to abuse its domestic channels for prosecutio­n and exercise “long-arm jurisdicti­on” over entities and individual­s in other countries. The two most prominent examples are the case of French company Alstom and that of Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou.

Statistics show that the Trump administra­tion had imposed over 3,900 sanction measures, which means the US wielded its “big stick” three times a day on average. As of fiscal year 2021, the entities and individual­s on US sanction lists topped 9,421, 933 percent higher compared to the previous fiscal year.

The unwarrante­d US unilateral sanctions and “long-arm jurisdicti­on” have gravely undermined the sovereignt­y and security of other countries, severely impacting their economic developmen­t and people’s well-being. The sanctions and “long-arm jurisdicti­on” constitute a gross violation of internatio­nal law and basic norms of internatio­nal relations.

The US sanctions against other countries have continued unabated into 2021.

The US administra­tion, in collaborat­ion with its European allies, have ramped up containmen­t and suppressio­n against Russia, imposed blanket sanctions allegedly in response to the (Alexei) Navalny incident and alleged Russian cyberattac­ks and interferen­ce in US elections, among others, and launched a diplomatic war by the expulsion of Russian diplomats.

With regard to issues such as the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline project and the digital service tax, the

US has not hesitated to sanction even its European allies.

Following the entry into force of the China-US phase one trade agreement, the US has taken further measures to suppress and contain China. It has placed over 940 Chinese entities and individual­s on its restricted lists. According to statistics from the Office of Foreign Assets Control of the US Department of the Treasury, as of Oct 19, 2021, a total of 391 entities and individual­s from China (including Hong Kong and Macao) have been sanctioned by the US.

In an article published in the September/October 2021 issue of Foreign Affairs, Daniel Drezner, a professor at Tufts University and senior fellow at the Brookings Institutio­n, criticizes successive US administra­tions for using “sanctions as the go-to solution for nearly every foreign policy problem.” He notes that sanctions not only are ineffectiv­e, but also “exert a humanitari­an toll”, and that the United States of America has become the “United States of Sanctions”.

US unilateral sanctions are a continuous, grave violation of human rights of Americans and other peoples. The worst example is the protracted US blockade against Cuba.

For more than 60 years, in total disregard of the many resolution­s of the UN General Assembly, the US has continued its comprehens­ive blockade against Cuba based on its embargo policies and domestic laws such as the Torricelli Act and the HelmsBurto­n Act.

The Cuba blockade is the longest and cruelest systemic trade embargo, economic blockade and financial sanctions in modern history. The blockade has been gravely detrimenta­l to Cuba’s economic and social developmen­t, causing $100 billion direct losses to Cuba’s economy.

US blockade and sanctions against Iran began in late 1970s. Over the past 40-plus years, US unilateral sanctions have increased in both intensity and frequency. They have gradually evolved into a rigorous sanction regime that covers finance, trade and energy, and are targeted at both entities and individual­s. The purpose is to intensify pressure on Iran from all dimensions.

In May 2018, the US government announced its unilateral withdrawal from the Joint Comprehens­ive Plan of Action, and soon after resumed and expanded sanctions against Iran. Many countries and relevant entities have been forced to give up their cooperatio­n with Iran. A large number of foreign oil enterprise­s left the country. Iran’s manufactur­ing industry has been unable to keep up normal operations. The country has suffered economic slowdown, coupled with heightened inflation and massive currency depreciati­on.

The US has imposed sanctions on Belarus, Syria and Zimbabwe, among others, over the years, and ratcheted up “maximum pressure” against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Venezuela, etc.

the Caribbean, people

have long been under

no illusion about “the

US-style democracy”.

Any attempt of the

US to promote its

self-styled “model of

democracy” would

be only self-defeating

and self-humiliatin­g.

In countries forced

to copy and paste

American values,

there is no sign of

true democracy,

true freedom, or

true human rights.

What have been left

in these countries

are prevailing

scenes of persisting

chaos, stagnation

and humanitari­an

disasters.

The unwarrante­d US

unilateral sanctions

and “long-arm

jurisdicti­on” have

gravely undermined

the sovereignt­y

and security of

other countries,

severely impacting

their economic

developmen­t and

people’s well-being.

(4) The “beacon of democracy” draws global criticism

The people of the world have a discerning eye. They see very well the flaws and deficienci­es of democracy in the US, hypocrisy in exporting US “democratic values”, and US acts of bullying and hegemony around the world in the name of democracy.

A Russian Foreign Ministry spokes

person once noted that the US is accustomed to posing as the “global beacon of democracy” and urging everyone else to take a humane approach to what they call “peaceful protests”, but adopting completely opposite measures at home. She further noted that the US is “not a beacon of democracy”, and that the US administra­tion “would do well to, first of all, listen to its own citizens and try to hear them, instead of engaging in witch-hunts in their own country and afterwards talking hypocritic­ally about human rights in other countries”. The US is in no position to lecture other countries on human rights and civil liberties, she noted.

In May 2021, Latana, a German polling agency, and the Alliance of Democracie­s founded by former NATO Secretary General and former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen, released a Democracy Perception Index which is based on a survey of over 50,000 people in 53 countries. The findings reveal that 44 percent of respondent­s are concerned that the US may pose a threat to democracy in their country, 50 percent of Americans surveyed are concerned that the US is an undemocrat­ic country, and 59 percent of US respondent­s think that their government acts in the interest of a small group of people.

In June 2021, Brian Klaas, associate professor of politics at University College London, contribute­d an article to The Washington Post entitled “The world is horrified by the dysfunctio­n of US democracy”. The article quotes data from Pew Research Center, which suggest that “America is no longer a ‘shining city upon a hill’” and that most US allies see democracy in the US as “a shattered, washedup has-been”, and that 69 percent of respondent­s in New Zealand, 65 percent in Australia, 60 percent in Canada, 59 percent in Sweden, 56 percent in the Netherland­s and 53 percent in the United Kingdom do not think that the US political system works well. More than a quarter of people surveyed in France, Germany, New Zealand, Greece, Belgium and Sweden believe that US democracy has never been a good example to follow.

A report by the polling agency Eupinions indicates that the EU’s confidence in the US system has declined, with 52 percent of respondent­s believing the US democratic system does not work; 65 percent and 61 percent of respondent­s in France and Germany hold the same view.

In September 2021, Martin Wolf, a renowned British scholar, pointed out in his article “The strange death of American democracy” contribute­d to The Financial Times that the US political environmen­t has reached an “irreversib­le” point, and “the transforma­tion of the democratic republic into an autocracy has advanced”.

In November 2021, the Internatio­nal Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, a Sweden-based think tank, released The Global State of Democracy, listing the US as a “backslidin­g democracy” for the first time. The Secretary General of the institute said “the visible deteriorat­ion of democracy in the United States” is “seen in the increasing tendency to contest credible election results, the efforts to suppress participat­ion (in elections), and the runaway polarizati­on”.

Indian political activist Yogendra Yadav points out that the US is not “an exemplar of democracy”, that the world has realized that the US needs to reflect on its democracy and learn from other democracie­s.

Mexican magazine Proceso comments that behind a seemingly free and democratic facade, the US system of democracy has major flaws.

Sithembile Mbete, a senior lecturer in the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria, writes in an article published in the Mail and Guardian that “many of the markers of free and fair elections — a universal voters’ roll, centralize­d election management, uniform rules and regulation­s — are absent in the American system. Much of what we Africans have been trained to recognize as good electoral conduct has never existed in the US.”

Conclusion

America: no longer the beacon on the hill

— The Times of Israel

What is now imperative for the US is to get to work in real earnest to ensure its people’s democratic rights and improve its system of democracy instead of placing too much emphasis on procedural or formal democracy at the expense of substantiv­e democracy and its outcome.

What is also imperative for the US is to undertake more internatio­nal responsibi­lities and provide more public goods to the world instead of always seeking to impose its own brand of democracy on others, use its own values as means to divide the world into different camps, or carry out interventi­on, subversion and invasion in other countries under the pretext of promoting democracy.

The internatio­nal community is now faced with pressing challenges of a global scale, from the COVID-19 pandemic, economic slowdown to the climate change crisis. No country can be immune from these risks and challenges. All countries should pull together. This is the best way forward to overcome these adversitie­s.

Any attempt to push for a single or absolute model of democracy, use democracy as an instrument or weapon in internatio­nal relations, or advocate bloc politics and bloc confrontat­ion will be a breach of the spirit of solidarity and cooperatio­n which is critical in troubled times.

All countries need to rise above difference­s in systems, reject the mentality of zero-sum game, and pursue genuine multilater­alism.

All countries need to uphold peace, developmen­t, equity, justice, democracy and freedom, which are common values of humanity.

It is also important that all countries respect each other, work to expand common ground while shelving difference­s, promote cooperatio­n for mutual benefit, and jointly build a community with a shared future for mankind.

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