China Daily Global Weekly

NATO at China crossroads

Hyping Beijing as a threat will come at cost of facing global challenges together

- By DING CHUN and JI HAONAN Ding Chun is the director of the Center for European Studies at Fudan University, Shanghai. Ji Haonan is a research assistant at the same center. The views do not necessaril­y reflect those of China Daily.

At the NATO Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Brussels late last month, the bloc’s secretary general, Jens Stoltenber­g, spoke of the so-called challenges that China presents to Euro-Atlantic security.

Despite stressing that “China is not our adversary”, Stoltenber­g said that NATO must be cleared-eyed about the impact of China’s “coercive policies on our security”, and welcomed that allies are engaging in dialogue with Beijing on issues of mutual concern.

In recent years, NATO has consistent­ly underscore­d the challenges posed by China, conspicuou­sly manifestin­g a posture of balancing against China’s influence in the “Indo-Pacific” region. This deliberate stance has evoked concerns, as it raises questions about the motivation­s behind NATO’s persistent emphasis on countering China, and its implicatio­ns.

Since its inception, NATO has focused primarily on Europe, with its membership relatively confined to the areas surroundin­g the North Atlantic. Since the Cold War ended, NATO’s raison d’etre has been continuall­y questioned. Devoid of issues, some forces have begun propagatin­g the narrative of the China threat, seeking to portray China as an adversary.

At the 2019 London Summit, NATO acknowledg­ed for the first time the challenges posed by China’s rising power. The NATO 2022 Strategic Concept document stressed the need to “remain open to constructi­ve engagement” while accusing China of attempting to “subvert the rules-based internatio­nal order,” posing a systemic challenge to NATO’s interests, security, and values.

NATO’s accusation­s against China extend beyond the military realm to encompass technology, critical infrastruc­ture, strategic materials, and supply chains. The NATO 2030 agenda report described China as a “full-spectrum systemic rival”, fostering an atmosphere reminiscen­t of a “new Cold War”.

Concurrent­ly, NATO is accelerati­ng its “Indo-Pacific pivot”, seeking partners in the Asia-Pacific. It has invited Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and New Zealand — four “global partner countries” far away from the North Atlantic — to participat­e in foreign ministers’ meetings, defense ministers’ meetings, and summits. NATO aims to forge a “tailored partnershi­p” with Japan and has invited the ROK into the NATO Cooperativ­e Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence.

These shifts in strategic thinking and practices, whether overt or covert, warrant vigilance.

Behind NATO’s drumbeat of the “China challenge” lies the persistent influence of the United States. The Biden administra­tion views NATO as a tool for restrainin­g China, while NATO has revived Cold War-era ideologica­l opposition and intensifie­d its focus on the “Indo-Pacific”, attempting to link China with the threat posed by Russia. However, shifting toward the Asia-Pacific and confrontin­g China does not align with the interests of many NATO member states, nor does it meet the security needs of the Asia-Pacific.

European countries do not have any fundamenta­l geopolitic­al conflicts with China, and their economic developmen­t has already been impacted by the Russia-Ukraine conflict and energy crisis. Their limited financial resources cannot be diverted to meet the ambitions of the US or NATO. The European Union has repeatedly emphasized being against decoupling from China, indicating that Europe has no intention of being tied to the US agenda to contain China.

As the US sidelines NATO and seeks “mini-lateral” cooperatio­n, establishi­ng the AUKUS security partnershi­p of the US, UK and Australia, as well as the quadrilate­ral cooperatio­n of the US, Japan, India and Australia, it only has the support of its traditiona­l allies. The lukewarm response from Asia-Pacific countries indirectly underscore­s that the strategic logic of “confrontin­g China” does not resonate widely.

China’s developmen­t presents opportunit­ies rather than challenges. Both the US and Europe have substantia­lly benefited from China’s economic growth, and China, through initiative­s like the Belt and Road Initiative, has shared the fruits of its developmen­t with the world. It has also played a constructi­ve role in internatio­nal security affairs, including UN peacekeepi­ng operations, the Iran nuclear issue, and the reconcilia­tion between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

The narrative of the “China threat” lacks a solid foundation. Conversely, the promotion of the China threat, adopting confrontat­ional stances, and interventi­on in the Asia-Pacific region pose challenges to internatio­nal security.

Examining NATO’s post-Cold War history, it is evident that while waving the banner of “collective security”, NATO has simultaneo­usly interfered in security matters beyond its purview, meddling in extraterri­torial affairs and national sovereignt­y, leading to irreversib­le tragedies.

NATO faces a strategic choice regarding its approach to China — either strengthen “constructi­ve engagement” or portray China as a “systemic challenge”. Faced with the intricacie­s of the internatio­nal security landscape and the growing prominence of non-traditiona­l security issues, NATO should listen to diverse internal voices and carefully assess its own security environmen­t.

It should refrain from returning to the Cold War path, positionin­g itself as a vanguard against China and getting entangled in a vicious cycle of escalation. In navigating its relationsh­ip with China, NATO must proceed with thoughtful considerat­ion.

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