China Daily Global Edition (USA)

Time for ROK to review the THAAD decision

In short, THAAD will cost the ROK an important diplomatic weapon in return for a military weapon.

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It is worrisome that the Republic ofKorea has agreed to deploy theUS’ Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense system on its soil despite the opposition from China andRussia. If theROKigno­res its neighbors’ concerns and implements its agreement with theUnited States, what would be the consequenc­es?

First, the ROK might lose a diplomatic leverage to negotiate with China on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s nuclear issue. THAAD may facilitate the formation aUS-ROK-Japan military bloc, which would affect China and Russia adversely and inadverten­tly make the situation advantageo­us for the DPRK, because Beijing andMoscow will lose the incentive to control Pyongyang’s dangerous behaviors. In short, THAAD will cost the ROK an important diplomatic weapon in return for a military weapon.

After Park Geun-hye was elected ROK president, Seoul and Beijing seemed willing to transform bilateral relations into a more mature partnershi­p. Economic relations between the two countries, including trade and investment­s, have developed faster than political ties. It is a pity therefore that instead of improving, bilateral political relations will suffer a blow because of THAAD. And some people in the ROK fear this could affect economic exchanges in the future.

Second, tensions on the Korean Peninsula will escalate, making the already volatile situation further insecure. To defuse the tensions and maintain stability on the peninsula, the ROK should establish a regular communicat­ion channel with the DPRK and strike the right balance between theUS and China, especially when there is a conflict of interests between the two countries.

Initially, the Park administra­tion seemed to be moving in this direction. But now the communicat­ion channels with the DPRK are closed, even the sole joint economic project, Kaesung Industrial Complex, has been shut down.

Increasing a state’s military capacity does not necessaril­y bring about peace. Instead, it could lead to an arms race. This is called the “security dilemma”, an ironic situation in which military tensions rise as rivals stock more weapons. This could be what the Korean Peninsula is looking at.

Although the ROK has emphasized that THAAD is strictly for its defense purposes against the DPRK’s missiles, no one believes it. THAAD goes beyond the Korean Peninsula issue, and it will heighten tensions between the US and China in East Asia.

Third, the operationa­l control of theROKmili­tary is likely to be further subjected toUScomman­d. The ROKMinistr­y of Defensehad­plans to build “KillChain” andKorean Air andMissile Defense before it suddenly decided to deployTHAA­D. AndifTHAAD­is solely for the ROK’s defense, then it does not make sense for theUS to pay for it, as has been reported. Republican presidenti­al candidate Donald Trumphas already termed theROK a “free-rider” ontheUS defense coach, although that is a ludicrous assumption.

Seoul’s policy towardPyon­gyang is highly likely to be dependento­n Washington. AndonceTHA­ADis deployed, any chance of talks betweenSeo­ulandPyong­yang will disappear. Is this really in the interest of Seoul?

Fourth, THAADwillm­ake it even morediffic­ult to peacefully resolve theDPRKnuc­lear issue and, instead, intensify the arms race between Seoul and Pyongyang. Perhaps Seoul sees THAAD as deterrence to Pyongyang, but it may not work out that way. On the contrary, it could prompt the DPRK to intensify its nuclear weapons’ program.

THAAD will also make the Korean Peninsula the last remnant of the ColdWar. Ironically, what brought the ColdWar to an end was not intensive stockpilin­g of nuclear weapons, but détente and diplomatic conciliati­on. The ROK must use diplomatic maneuvers with the DPRK and other neighbors to establish a diplomatic network dedicated to maintainin­g stability and peace in the region. For that, however, abandoning the ColdWar mindset and reviewing the THAAD decision are necessary. The author is a professor in the Department of Political Science and Diplomacy at PusanNatio­nalUnivers­ity, the Republic of Korea.

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