China Daily Global Edition (USA)

In the right perspectiv­e

Dynamic economic relations are an important part of the bilateral relationsh­ip between China and Germany, not a source of insecurity

- The author is a former member of the German Foreign Service and a researcher at the German Studies Center at Tongji University. The author contribute­d this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessaril­y reflect t

When the heads of state and government of the European Union members assemble at Brussels at the end of June for the European Summit, they are sure to talk about the bloc’s relations with China. Chinese Premier Li Qiang has just concluded a visit to Germany for the seventh round of intergover­nmental consultati­ons; he subsequent­ly went to France to attend the Summit for a New Global Financial Pact. The importance of the relationsh­ip between Europe and China is highlighte­d by the fact that Li chose Germany and France for his first trip abroad after taking office. His visit to the two countries came just days after US Secretary of State Antony Blinken made his first visit to Beijing.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz is to be commended for his pragmatic approach to relations with China. At a joint press conference with Li, he stressed that dynamic economic relations are an important part of the bilateral relationsh­ip, and Germany is not interested in any form of economic decoupling from China. Both countries, he said, want to continue their economic growth, benefittin­g from trade with one another as well as from mutual investment­s. The consultati­ons laid the groundwork for future close cooperatio­n by institutin­g a new climate change and green transforma­tion dialogue and scheduling a meeting of the Sino-German Environmen­t Forum and the third China-Germany High Level Financial Dialogue later this year. In a meeting of Li with the CEOs of major German companies, they reiterated their commitment to China.

Scholz’s unambiguou­s stance in favor of economic cooperatio­n is all the more reassuring as there have been some voices in the German media, think tanks and even within his coalition government calling for a more antagonist­ic position vis-a-vis China. They are worried about the economic consequenc­es of the Ukraine crisis and therefore concerned about a possible crisis in East Asia that might have repercussi­ons on global trade. That is why they advocate a “de-risking” strategy that would make Germany and Europe less dependent on other countries, in particular China.

There is of course nothing wrong with striving to reduce risks in economic activity. All countries, including China, do it, for example when they diversify their energy supply. But de-risking and diversific­ation should not be used as the code for obstructin­g, or even discontinu­ing, relations with one country only.

This was made abundantly clear by Li when he, somewhat jokingly, pointed out that Chinese patients who were treated with German medical technology or Chinese drivers of German cars did not fear to run any risks. That is, of course, true. Scholz in turn pointed out that gaining access to the Chinese market and fair competitiv­e conditions are at times still challenges for German companies. Once more he asked for a “level playing field” for foreign companies in China. Remarkably, on the next day, the European Chamber of Commerce in China reported that according to a survey conducted in February and March some progress was made on precisely that issue. Still, a lot remains to be done, including in the areas of medical and automotive technologi­es.

Those who advocate de-risking often exaggerate the significan­ce of China for the German economy. China has indeed been Germany’s most important trading partner for more than half a decade. But the significan­ce of trade with China is even more important for the United States. It is also at least one-sided to frame trade only as dependence. While the long-held German mantra “change through trade” may not work — if it did, Germany as one of the world’s major trading nations would have to be concerned about undue influences from all the countries with which it trades — trade and investment do promote contact and understand­ing between states. Furthermor­e, Chinese investment in Germany is, in internatio­nal comparison, not particular­ly high: From 2005 to 2022, China invested $102 billion in the United Kingdom and $61 billion in Switzerlan­d, but only $54 billion in Germany. In 2022, more than 14,000 jobs were created in Germany by investment from the US and the UK — but only 4,600 by Chinese investment. There is therefore only a limited “danger” of German overdepend­ence on China.

A responsibl­e de-risking strategy would also have to take into account all the major risks that could be a threat to the German economy. The possibilit­y of a crisis in East Asia with an ensuing disruption of supply chains indeed needs to be considered. But the same is true for, say, the scenario of the election in 2024 of a US president critical of Germany and the EU, as was the case with former president Donald Trump. An even greater danger for the German economy could be the election of a French president who distrusts Germany: In the first round of the elections in 2022, nationalis­t candidate Marine Le Pen received 23.2 percent of the vote, whereas Macron received 27.8 percent. In 2027, Macron cannot run again, and there is a real risk of an adverse outcome for Germany — and, so far, few German think tanks talk about de-risking from France.

Over the past year it has become clear that the Ukraine crisis has had a negative impact on the world economy, and in particular on its major trading partners: China, Europe and the US. In such a situation, irresponsi­ble de-risking could have a devastatin­g impact. All three partners should therefore work together to increase trade and internatio­nal investment and refrain from simply equating interdepen­dence with insecurity. In order to make this possible, all three should cooperate with a view to ending the Ukraine crisis in line with the United Nations Charter, namely the principles of sovereignt­y, territoria­l integrity, non-interferen­ce in the internal affairs of other states, and the return of all troops to internatio­nally recognized borders.

A responsibl­e de-risking strategy would also have to take into account all the major risks that could be a threat to the German economy.

 ?? SONG CHEN / CHINA DAILY ??
SONG CHEN / CHINA DAILY

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