China Daily Global Edition (USA)

Risks and rewards

With countries now prioritizi­ng economic security there are both opportunit­ies and challenges for SCO cooperatio­n

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The US-led West is bent on the “double containmen­t” of China and Russia. With rising geopolitic­al tensions, the economic cooperatio­n of the Shanghai Cooperatio­n Organizati­on is facing challenges on multiple fronts.

First, economic security is now high on the agenda of all countries. The once prevailing pursuit of “efficiency and profits” has turned into “security first” in the global layout of industry and supply chains, which are expected to become even more localized, diversifie­d and clustered. Against such a background, security issues will be more pronounced in the SCO’s economic cooperatio­n.

Second, severe disruption­s in the global supply chains of energy and strategic minerals have arisen from the sanctions imposed against Russia.

At the same time, the United States has consistent­ly coerced its allies into trying to contain China, the impact being felt equally by the industry and supply chains in China as well as by global and regional trade and investment.

Third, the downward economic pressure on the SCO member countries has resulted in a lack of impetus in regional economic cooperatio­n.

Economic and trade activities involving Russia or Russian entities and individual­s are usually subjected to strict sanctions that generate losses and add risks to the economic cooperatio­n under the SCO framework.

At present, with the major power competitio­n intensifyi­ng, the world economic order is going through profound transition­s, and regional clustering is becoming ever prominent. With the SCO expanding its reach and influence in Eurasia, South Asia and the Middle East, the regional economic cooperatio­n of the SCO is presented with challenges and opportunit­ies alike.

First, the layout of global industry and supply chains is increasing­ly being shaped by clustering and friendshor­ing patterns under the rising influence of regional cooperatio­n mechanisms.

Second, Russia’s developmen­t in the energy, finance and technology sectors is inseparabl­e from the outside world. Therefore, while ensuring its sustenance needs, it is striving to strengthen economic ties and cooperatio­n with the non-Western countries and organizati­ons such as the SCO.

Third, the Eurasian countries have strong needs for economic developmen­t, while China boasts a large market, sufficient capital and high-caliber technologi­cal conditions. The cooperatio­n carried out under the Belt and Road Initiative, which has no political strings attached and endorses the concept of common developmen­t, is winning recognitio­n and engagement from regional countries.

Fourth, the internatio­nal monetary system is going through changes, especially with a rising renminbi. Since the internatio­nal currencies such as the US dollar and the internatio­nal financial communicat­ion systems such as SWIFT have been increasing­ly weaponized as part of the Western sanctions on Russia, countries around the world are seeking to reduce their reliance on dollars in terms of payment methods and instead turning to other safer alternativ­es, among which the renminbi stands out. According to the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund, by the end of 2022, the size of the renminbi reserves held by global central banks was $298.4 billion, accounting for 2.7 percent of the Currency Compositio­n of Official Foreign Exchanges and making it a top five reserve currency in the world. The internatio­nalization of the renminbi is contributi­ng to a reciprocal and spiraling economic cooperatio­n among the SCO countries.

Fruitful results have been secured and laid for further cooperatio­n in the SCO. Since its inaugurati­on the organizati­on has establishe­d a full set of mechanisms for economic cooperatio­n, accomplish­ed a number of significan­t connectivi­ty infrastruc­ture programs, and put in place a complex infrastruc­ture network composed of railways, highways, oil pipelines and power grids.

The “Shanghai Spirit” is a fundamenta­l principle of the SCO and is where its vitality lies. The SCO has become an important platform for reaching consensus among the member countries in the face of common threats and challenges. More importantl­y, SCO cooperatio­n puts into practice the three global initiative­s proposed by China — the Global Developmen­t Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilizati­on Initiative.

Considerin­g the difference­s in natural resources, economic size, developmen­t stage and developmen­t models of the SCO members, risk resistance means that member countries have different needs and roles to play in the regional cooperatio­n. Emphasis needs to be laid on each country’s economic developmen­t strategies, attention paid to their most urgent concerns and pragmatic means for cooperatio­n explored, so that new potential for cooperatio­n can be tapped.

China’s industries are highly complement­ary with those of the other SCO countries. Enhancing cooperatio­n in industrial capacity will not only help ease China’s structural adjustment, but also boost the industrial­ization and modernizat­ion of other SCO countries.

All the member countries see the developmen­t of the digital economy as a longterm developmen­t goal, so China could also leverage its advantages in the digital economy and work together with other SCO countries to enhance digital cooperatio­n. This ranges from promoting digital industrial­ization and industrial digitizati­on in Eurasia, unearthing the potential of cooperatio­n in cross-border e-commerce, smart cities, remote medical services, smart agricultur­e and other fields, and contributi­ng to the developmen­t of new business formats.

Guo Xiaoqiong is a research fellow at the Institute of Russian, Eastern European and Central Asian Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Cai Zhen is an associate research fellow at the Institute of Finance and Banking at the CASS. The authors contribute­d this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessaril­y reflect those of China Daily.

 ?? MA XUEJING / CHINA DAILY ??
MA XUEJING / CHINA DAILY

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