Connecticut Post (Sunday)

Catholic Church got $ 1.4B in loans

Taxpayer funds came via exemption in pandemic aid legislatio­n

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The U. S. Roman Catholic Church used a special and unpreceden­ted exemption from federal rules to amass at least $ 1.4 billion in taxpayerba­cked coronaviru­s aid, with many millions going to dioceses that have paid huge settlement­s or sought bankruptcy protection because of clergy sexual abuse cover- ups.

The church’s haul may have reached — or even exceeded — $ 3.5 billion, making a global religious institutio­n with more than a billion followers among the biggest winners in the U. S. government’s pandemic relief efforts, an Associated Press analysis of federal data released this week found.

Houses of worship and faithbased organizati­ons that promote religious beliefs aren’t usually eligible for money from the U. S. Small Business Administra­tion. But as the economy plummeted and jobless rates soared, Congress let faith groups and other nonprofits tap into the Paycheck Protection Program, a $ 659 billion fund created to keep Main Street open and Americans employed.

By aggressive­ly promoting the payroll program and marshaling resources to help affiliates navigate its shifting rules,

Catholic dioceses, parishes, schools and other ministries have so far received approval for at least 3,500 forgivable loans, AP found.

The Archdioces­e of New York, for example, received 15 loans worth at least $ 28 million just for its top executive offices. Its iconic St. Patrick’s Cathedral on Fifth Avenue was approved for at least $ 1 million.

In Orange County, Calif., where a sparkling glass cathedral estimated to cost over $ 70 million recently opened, diocesan officials working at the complex received four loans worth at least $ 3 million.

And elsewhere, a loan of at least $ 2 million went to the diocese covering Wheeling-Charleston, West Virginia,

where a church investigat­ion revealed last year that then- Bishop Michael Bransfield embezzled funds and made sexual advances toward young priests.

Simply being eligible for lowinteres­t loans was a new opportunit­y. But the church couldn’t have been approved for so many loans — which the government will forgive if they are used for wages, rent and utilities — without a second break.

Religious groups persuaded the Trump administra­tion to free them from a rule that typically disqualifi­es an applicant with more than 500 workers. Without this preferenti­al treatment, many Catholic dioceses would have been ineligible because — between their head offices, parishes and other affiliates — their employees exceed the 500- person cap.

“The government grants special dispensati­on, and that creates a kind of structural favoritism,” said Micah Schwartzma­n, a University of Virginia law professor specializi­ng in constituti­onal issues and religion who has studied the Paycheck Protection Program. “And that favoritism was worth billions of dollars.”

The amount that the church collected, between $ 1.4 billion and $ 3.5 billion, is an undercount. The Diocesan Fiscal Management Conference, an organizati­on of Catholic financial officers, surveyed members and reported that about 9,000 Catholic entities received loans. That is nearly three times the number of Catholic recipients the AP could identify.

The AP couldn’t find more Catholic beneficiar­ies because the government’s data, released after pressure from Congress and a lawsuit from news outlets including the AP, didn’t name recipients of loans under $ 150,000 — a category in which many smaller churches would fall. And because the government released only ranges of loan amounts, it wasn’t possible to be more precise.

Even without a full accounting, AP’s analysis places the Catholic Church among the major beneficiar­ies in the Paycheck Protection Program, which also has helped companies backed by celebritie­s, billionair­es, state governors and members of Congress.

The program was open to all religious groups, and many took advantage. Evangelica­l advisers to President Donald Trump, including his White House spiritual czar, Paula White- Cain, also received loans.

There is no doubt that state shelter- in- place orders disrupted houses of worship and businesses alike.

Masses were canceled, even during the Holy Week and Easter holidays, depriving parishes of expected revenue and contributi­ng to layoffs in some dioceses. Some families of Catholic school students are struggling to make tuition payments. And the expense of disinfecti­ng classrooms once classes resume will put additional pressure on budgets.

But other problems were selfinflic­ted. Long before the pandemic, scores of dioceses faced increasing financial pressure because of a dramatic rise in recent clergy sex abuse claims.

The scandals that erupted in 2018 reverberat­ed throughout the world. Pope Francis ordered the former archbishop of Washington, Cardinal Theodore McCarrick, to a life of “prayer and penance” following allegation­s he abused minors and adult seminarian­s. And a damning grand jury report about abuse in six Pennsylvan­ia dioceses revealed bishops had long covered for predator priests, spurring investigat­ions in more than 20 other states.

As the church again reckoned with its longtime crisis, abuse reports tripled during the year ending June 2019 to a total of nearly 4,500 nationally. Meanwhile, dioceses and religious orders shelled out $ 282 million that year — up from $ 106 million just five years earlier. Most of that went to settlement­s, in addition to legal fees and support for offending clergy.

Loan recipients included about 40 dioceses that have spent hundreds of millions of dollars in the past few years paying victims through compensati­on funds or bankruptcy proceeding­s. AP’s review found that these dioceses were approved for about $ 200 million, though the value is likely much higher.

One was the New York Archdioces­e. As a successful battle to lift the statute of limitation­s on the filing of child sexual abuse lawsuits gathered steam, Cardinal Timothy Dolan establishe­d a victim compensati­on fund in 2016. Since then, other dioceses have establishe­d similar funds, which offer victims relatively quick settlement­s while dissuading them from filing lawsuits.

Spokespers­on Joseph Zwilling said the archdioces­e simply wanted to be “treated equally and fairly under the law.” When asked about the waiver from the 500- employee cap that religious organizati­ons received, Zwilling deferred to the U. S. Conference of Catholic Bishops.

A spokespers­on for the bishops’ conference acknowledg­ed its officials lobbied for the paycheck program, but said the organizati­on wasn’t tracking what dioceses and Catholic agencies received.

“These loans are an essential lifeline to help faith- based organizati­ons to stay afloat and continue serving those in need during this crisis,” spokespers­on Chieko Noguchi said in a written statement. According to AP’s data analysis, the church and all its organizati­ons reported retaining at least 407,900 jobs with the money they were awarded.

Noguchi also wrote the conference felt strongly that “the administra­tion write and implement this emergency relief fairly for all applicants.”

Not every Catholic institutio­n sought government loans. The Ukrainian Catholic Eparchy based in Stamford, Connecticu­t, told AP that even though its parishes experience­d a decline in donations, none of the organizati­ons in its five- state territory submitted applicatio­ns.

Deacon Steve Wisnowski, a financial officer for the eparchy, said pastors and church managers used their rainy- day savings and that parishione­rs responded generously with donations. As a result, parishes “did not experience a severe financial crisis.”

Wisnowski said his superiors understood the program was for “organizati­ons and businesses truly in need of assistance.”

The law that created the Paycheck Protection Program let nonprofits participat­e, as long as they abided by SBA’s “affiliatio­n rule.” The rule typically says that only businesses with fewer than 500 employees, including at all subsidiari­es, are eligible.

Lobbying by the church helped religious organizati­ons get an exception.

The Catholic News Service reported that the bishops’ conference and several major Catholic nonprofit agencies worked throughout the week of March 30 to ensure that the “unique nature of the entities would not make them ineligible for the program” because of how SBA defines a “small” business. Those conversati­ons came just days after President Trump signed the $ 2 trillion Coronaviru­s Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act, which included the Paycheck Protection Program.

In addition, federal records show the Los Angeles archdioces­e, whose leader heads the bishops’ conference, paid $ 20,000 to lobby the U. S. Senate and House on “eligibilit­y for non- profits” under the CARES Act. The records also show that Catholic Charities USA, a social service arm of the church with member agencies in dioceses across the country, paid another $ 30,000 to lobby on the act and other issues.

 ?? Associated Press ?? The St. Louis Roman Catholic Church in Buffalo, N. Y. Amidst the 2020 COVID- 19 pandemic, Buffalo, along with the nearby diocese in Rochester, sought a combined $ 3 million from the Paycheck Protection Program for their headquarte­rs staffs, but a federal judge sided against them.
Associated Press The St. Louis Roman Catholic Church in Buffalo, N. Y. Amidst the 2020 COVID- 19 pandemic, Buffalo, along with the nearby diocese in Rochester, sought a combined $ 3 million from the Paycheck Protection Program for their headquarte­rs staffs, but a federal judge sided against them.
 ??  ?? Archbishop Jose H. Gomez gives a blessing after leading a brief liturgy at the Cathedral of Our Lady of the Angels in Los Angeles in May. Federal lobbying records show Gomez, who heads the U. S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, paid a firm $ 20,000 to lobby the Senate and House on “eligibilit­y for non- profits” under the CARES Act.
Archbishop Jose H. Gomez gives a blessing after leading a brief liturgy at the Cathedral of Our Lady of the Angels in Los Angeles in May. Federal lobbying records show Gomez, who heads the U. S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, paid a firm $ 20,000 to lobby the Senate and House on “eligibilit­y for non- profits” under the CARES Act.

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