Connecticut Post

Unlocking courts: Ending gag orders and arbitratio­n mandates

- By Judith Resnik Judith Resnik is the Arthur Liman Professor of Law at Yale Law School and among the authors of “Collective Preclusion and Inaccessib­le Arbitratio­n: Data, Non-Disclosure, and Public Knowledge,” published in 2020.

Over the last decade, many of America’s corporatio­ns — including cellphone providers, credit card companies and major employers — have inserted requiremen­ts in their forms (which they have the gall to call “agreements”) that lock people out of courts and out of filing class-action lawsuits. Instead, anyone with a legal claim can only try to get a remedy by going alone to a private arbitratio­n held behind closed doors.

In fact, very few people have the wherewitha­l to try arbitratio­n. Instead, they don’t bring claims at all, and their legal rights go down the drain. To add insult to injury, many of the same corporatio­ns now insert clauses that prohibit anyone who tries arbitratio­n from telling anyone else about what happened.

Critically needed help has just reemerged. On March 1, Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., introduced the Forced Arbitratio­n Injustice Repeal Act, or FAIRA. He is joined by many colleagues in the Senate and by parallel efforts in the House. Blumenthal’s legislatio­n is part of a long quest to unlock state and federal courthouse doors for people facing discrimina­tion, job loss and consumer fraud.

The bill is straightfo­rward: FAIRA would make the unfair arbitratio­n mandates that companies impose (called “predispute clauses”) unenforcea­ble.

The need for this law is underscore­d by what has become a prevalent feature of corporate fine print. Last year, holders of one major credit card were told that: “You and we agree that the arbitratio­n will be confidenti­al. You and we agree that we will not disclose the content of the arbitratio­n proceeding or its outcome to anyone” unless required by law to notify the government.

In plain English, this is a gag order — shutting up any users of arbitratio­n. And this is a unilateral­ly imposed condition of the credit card, not a negotiated contract.

Advocates of arbitratio­n insist it is “faster, cheaper, and more effective” than filing a lawsuit. Is that true? And if so, why can’t we choose for ourselves rather than being banned from filing lawsuits and silenced if we use arbitratio­n?

To get answers, I dug into the data, provided by the American Arbitratio­n Associatio­n, or AAA, under state law and recording all arbitratio­ns it provided nationwide. What the numbers show is that virtually no consumers use arbitratio­n and the reasons why efforts are now underway to silence the very few arbitratio­n users that remain.

Take AT&T, which in 2011 succeeded in convincing the U.S. Supreme Court that its ban on class actions was enforceabl­e. Between 2017 and 2019, AT&T had 140 million customers. Public data from the AAA show that only 172 customers a year — less than two out of every million consumers — filed arbitratio­n claims.

Simply put, individual­s don’t have the resources, knowledge, energy, time and money to go it alone. By cutting off classactio­n lawsuits, “repeat players” like AT&T can suppress legal claims.

Why then add silencing clauses? Under the AAA rules, the companies imposing arbitratio­n on consumers and employees arbitratio­n are supposed to pay the arbitrator­s’ fees. Lawyers and consumer advocates realized that if they could file hundreds of “individual” complaints, they could band together to get some vindicatio­n in arbitratio­n and impose more costs on the company pushing them into it.

For example, in 2019, one law firm filed 2,250 arbitratio­n claims in a single day against the delivery company DoorDash. The arbitrator­s’ fees would have totaled more than $10 million. In response, DoorDash tried to ditch the very system — arbitratio­n — it had imposed on its drivers and go to court.

Although DoorDash made the news, it is not alone in facing large numbers of “individual” claims. Examining AAA data, I identified more than 30 instances of law firms filing multiple claims against a single company.

That is why words like “you and we agree not to disclose” are now appearing in the fine print in so many corporate forms. Suppressin­g informatio­n is suppressin­g access to remedies: in courts, in arbitratio­n, or, as the #MeToo movement made plain, through public opinion. Companies’ efforts to stop collective actions — anywhere — aim to control informatio­n to avoid accountabi­lity.

In the employment context, and thanks to #MeToo, the pushback against arbitratio­n and nondisclos­ure has been significan­t. Former Fox News anchor Gretchen Carlson, for example, criticized the network’s requiremen­t that she stay silent. In 2020, she joined others in launching Lift Our Voices, focused on ending nondisclos­ure, confidenti­ality and arbitratio­n obligation­s for employees. In the last two years, 13 state legislatur­es have made nondisclos­ure obligation­s unenforcea­ble, mostly for employees with sexual harassment claims.

Some courts have limited arbitratio­n agreements, as well. The Supreme Court of Washington, citing that state’s constituti­onal protection of “open courts” and rights to remedies, held silencing provisions unenforcea­ble. But many other courts have let them stand.

But piecemeal solutions do not suffice. The 2021 FAIRA bill would solve many of the problems because it is broader than state efforts — protecting consumers and civil rights claimants, as well as employees — and it would apply across the country.

Contract, consent and agreement sound great. None of it is true for mass mailing credit cards and employment forms. Consumers, employees and civil rights claimants need to join together to support FAIRA because this legislatio­n recognizes that they never did “agree” to be kept out of court, ride solo or be silenced.

Contract, consent and agreement sound great. None of it is true for mass mailing credit cards and employment forms.

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