Daily Freeman (Kingston, NY)

Donald Trump’s bad character

- Jonah Goldberg Jonah Goldberg is syndicated by Tribune Media Services.

I’ve long argued that Donald Trump’s presidency will end poorly because he’s a person of bad character. I still think that’s true, though I very much doubt the impeachmen­t trial now underway will result in his removal. Regardless of its outcome, his impeachmen­t illustrate­s the damage bad character can do to the presidency, the culture and the constituti­onal order.

In monarchies and other systems built around one-man (or one-woman) rule, the leader’s quirks, obsessions or inadequaci­es cease to be any of those things, instead becoming fashionabl­e attributes of greatness. Bad jokes that emerge from his or her mouth become hilarious; rudeness, strength. Mispronunc­iations become fashionabl­e locution. The story of Castilian Spaniards replacing the “s” sound with a “th” sound (“therveza” instead of cerveza) to accommodat­e King Ferdinand’s lisp is myth, alas (or “alath”). But the moral of the story stands.

We’ve seen something similar happen to large swaths of the GOP. Because Trump is unteachabl­e about how the presidency and our constituti­onal system are supposed to work, politician­s and media figures have dropped their long-held views on foreign policy, the national debt, trade and even the need for basic civility in order to get in sync with the president.

Arizona Sen. Martha McSally’s outburst last Thursday is just the latest example. When asked by a CNN reporter whether she’d support allowing witnesses at the impeachmen­t trial, this once sober-minded politician called him a “liberal hack,” creating a viral social media moment perfectly suited for cable news preening and digital fundraisin­g.

A new book by Washington Post reporters, “A Very Stable Genius,” recounts in alarming detail how early members of the Trump administra­tion struggled to teach the president the rudiments of the job of commander in chief, only to be rebuffed as “dopes and babies” because they didn’t see our internatio­nal alliances and military assets as an opportunit­y to turn a profit. Two years later, he’s surrounded by a coterie happy to let Trump be Trump.

The impeachmen­t drama itself stems from the fact that no one can convince the president that the presidency is more than the whims, desires and ambitions of the person occupying the job.

Unfortunat­ely, the responses from Democrats, much of the media and opponents of the president, although emotionall­y understand­able, have often compounded the damage.

My American Enterprise Institute colleague Yuval Levin has written tellingly about the Trump era: “My rule of thumb ... is that every scandal will proceed in whatever way is maximally damaging to public confidence in our core institutio­ns. Each twist and turn and revelation will give everyone on all sides of our politics ... just enough reason to believe that their side is in the right, the other side knows it but is corrupt, and the only way to get justice is to recognize that there is no alternativ­e to stretching the norms and rules of our politics a little in this particular case.”

The Washington establishm­ent’s rush to get ahead of the evidence on Trump’s unproven collusion with Russia; the constant exhortatio­n that the only reasons someone might agree with Trump policies are racism, cultism or indebtedne­ss to Vladimir Putin; and the often-voiced determinat­ion to impeach Trump before impeachabl­e offenses had materializ­ed might sound like brave resistance to those already converted. But to the unconverte­d, such rhetoric sounds like evidence of bad faith, warranting more bad faith in response.

Our problems with partisansh­ip and polarizati­on predate Trump’s election, but his presidency has been gasoline on a fire. Trump could have avoided impeachmen­t countless times. Most obviously, he could have not done what he obviously did vis-à-vis Ukraine. Or he could have admitted his error, apologized and taken the steam out of the impeachmen­t train’s boilers.

Instead, because of his low character, he opted to stand by his claims that his actions were “perfect.” As a result, Republican­s must now further deform their character to accommodat­e his and scramble to protect themselves from hearing the truth at his impeachmen­t trial, on the accurate but embarrassi­ng pretext that the Democrats didn’t expose the truth the right way.

Trump could have avoided impeachmen­t had he governed, from the start, as a servant of all Americans, whether they voted for him or not. But that option was no option at all, because his character would not allow it. Now we are plunging further into dysfunctio­n because the presidency was never designed for a man who could not comprehend what it means to be presidenti­al.

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