Daily News (Los Angeles)

Deck stacked in favor of government

- Steven Greenhut Columnist Steven Greenhut is Western region director for the R Street Institute and a member of the Southern California News Group editorial board. Write to him at sgreenhut@rstreet.org.

Our nation’s judicial system has its share of problems and injustices, but an independen­t judiciary remains one of the crowning achievemen­ts of our relatively free society. Authoritar­ian countries have judicial systems, but citizens in those benighted places lack due process because they are playing a game with house rules. And the house always wins.

Yet the federal government and states operate a series of quasi-judicial systems that function like a rigged card game. The stakes are high, but the player doesn’t have a chance. I’m referring to the way that powerful state and federal regulatory agencies enforce Byzantine codes through an administra­tive process that has many trappings of the traditiona­l court system.

Let’s say the a state or federal labor agency accuses your business of shortchang­ing workers, or an environmen­tal agency accuses you of despoiling a wetland as part of a constructi­on project. Agency officials make mistakes or misinterpr­et the law, so you attempt to have your day in “court” to protest a fine or regulatory enforcemen­t action.

Your case will come before an administra­tive law judge, but these aren’t the same as court judges. They sometimes are employees of the agency. Other times, administra­tive judges are dispatched from a clearingho­use agency that claims to provide neutral decisions. They operate through a looser set of rules than the judiciary and might be expected to share certain bureaucrat­ic pre-dispositio­ns.

It’s no surprise how often administra­tive opinions reflect the outlook of the agency, although on occasion these arbiters defy the odds. Even when they do, the agency itself can often overrule the finding of the administra­tive law judge. How’s that for a stacked deck?

A case before the Arizona Supreme Court touches on that due-process issue. As the Goldwater Institute’s Timothy Sandefur explains, the Arizona Clean Elections Commission accused an educationa­l foundation of running political ads. The ALJ sided with the foundation in a jurisdicti­onal matter — and then the commission simply overrode that decision.

“If John Does is charged with, say, running a business without a required license, the agency could level an accusation, and allow him to appear at a hearing to argue why the agency is wrong,” Sandefur wrote. “But even if he persuades the judge to rule in his favor, the agency can simply set aside that ruling and declare John guilty notwithsta­nding.”

As Sandefur added, bureaucrac­ies “hold immense power to control how businesses operate, how private property is used, and countless other aspects of private life,” yet the law often allows them “to override the basic principles of due process.”

This entire regulatory appeals process provides a fig leaf of independen­ce, but that patina of judicial oversight is arguably worse than rule by edict. In the latter case, we at least know what’s going on. With a process where the agency almost always wins, the government can claim it thoroughly vetted the defendant’s allegation­s through a fair process.

Defendants in administra­tive proceeding­s have the right to their day in the genuine court system, but defendants generally can’t get there until they’ve exhausted their administra­tive remedies, which can sometimes take years.

When defendants finally get to court, judges often defer to the expertise of the administra­tive law judge and refuse to question the facts those “experts” have establishe­d. In some cases, judges won’t allow evidence that was never presented as part of the agency’s proceeding. The current system not only delays the applicatio­n of justice, but it tips the scales throughout the process.

When an individual is fighting the government — either the IRS or any of the hundreds of alphabet-soup agencies — most rules are written in government’s favor. These include sovereign immunity and qualified immunity to protect the government and its officials from being responsibl­e for unconstitu­tional actions, as well as evidentiar­y rules and timetables that typically benefit the government.

In an American Bar Associatio­n Journal article about the Soviet Union’s legal system, it explained that, “courts are not simply judicial bodies as we know them. They are part and parcel of the single apparatus charged with bringing the dream of the Soviet state to its full reality.” Likewise, these American administra­tive processes simply reinforce what Sandefur refers to as the “Administra­tive State.”

How did we get here? These regulatory appeal processes evolved as a reasonable means to provide recourse when citizens petitioned the government for, say, a disability payment or some other financial benefit. As regulatory agencies’ power expanded in the 1970s, these quasi-legal systems were increasing­ly used to resolve disputes whereby the government accused citizens of violations.

More fundamenta­lly, this system is an outgrowth of the progressiv­e tendency to elevate the rule by experts over the protection of individual rights. There’s no obvious solution, but Americans ought to understand that the growth in government regulatory bodies ultimately undermines our rights. Our legal system is still praisewort­hy, but it’s more difficult than ever to get your day in court.

 ?? DANIEL SLIM — AFP/GETTY IMAGES ?? Our legal system is better than most, but it’s still difficult for citizens to get a fair day in court, including the United States Supreme Court.
DANIEL SLIM — AFP/GETTY IMAGES Our legal system is better than most, but it’s still difficult for citizens to get a fair day in court, including the United States Supreme Court.
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