High court’s conservative majority isn’t going anywhere

Last week’s two significant Supreme Court decisions — loosening some restrictions on American’s gun owners and restricting abortions for the nation’s women — represent the ultimate impact of Donald Trump’s narrow 2016 election victory over Hillary Clinton.

They also represent the success of Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell’s cynical manipulation of Senate confirmation procedures. He kept a Democratic president from installing a justice in the last year of his presidency but enabled a Republican to install one as the nation’s voters were poised to oust him from office.

Ironically, neither Trump, known primarily before his election as a bombastic developer and reality television host, nor McConnell, a dour master of the Senate’s inside game, had ever identified strongly with the GOP’s most fervent abortion rights opponents.

Trump, who said in a 1999 interview on NBC’s Meet the Press, “I’m very pro-choice,” switched positions when he began to eye the Republican presidential nomination. “I’m pro-life (and) against gun control,” he told the Conservative Political Action Conference in 2011.

While wooing religious conservatives cool to his 2016 candidacy, he issued a list of conservative jurists he would consider for the Supreme Court, predicting they would overturn the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortions.

Similarly, he took increasingly fervent positions opposing any gun control measures, claiming they threatened the Second Amendment.

The result is that, at a time when pervasive gun violence has prompted widespread support for increased limits on firearms ownership, a court with Trump’s three nominees further extended gun rights that it decided in 2008 were protected by the Second Amendment. More dramatically, it repealed the constitutional right to an abortion that it established in 1973, though polls show most Americans favor its retention, some with limits.

These two decisions show a court more at odds with the public’s views than at any time in decades. They raise the question of whether public opposition to these decisions — especially the one curbing abortions — will help the Democrats in the 2022 midterm elections and the 2024 presidential race.

Critics face one overriding reality: It may take a long time before they can displace the court’s current six-justice conservative majority. With liberal Justice Stephen Breyer’s impending retirement, the court’s oldest members, Republican nominees Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito, are only in their early 70s.

November’s election could enable McConnell to block President Joe Biden from filing any unexpected vacancies in the second two years of his term, like he blocked former President Barack Obama’s choice of Merrick Garland, now the attorney general, in 2016.

In both decisions, Trump’s three nominees formed the majority, along with fellow conservative nominees of prior GOP presidents: Clarence Thomas (President George Bush) and John Roberts and Samuel Alito (President George W. Bush). Questionable circumstances surrounded the nominations or confirmations of all three justices who joined the court under Trump.

Justice Neil Gorsuch filled the vacancy caused by McConnell’s unprecedented decision to prevent Senate consideration of Obama’s choice of Garland to succeed the late Justice Antonin Scalia.

A year later, the White House persuaded Kennedy to retire so Trump could name Brett Kavanaugh, a former Kennedy clerk and onetime White House staffer whom President George W. Bush named as an appeals judge. Kavanaugh was confirmed after a contentious hearing, 50-48.

Last week’s decision might have been less sweeping had the Senate not confirmed Trump nominee Amy Coney Barrett after liberal Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died in September 2020. Ignoring his own 2016 precedent, McConnell sped her nomination through, 52-48, just one week before Trump lost reelection.

An entirely different scenario might have unfolded had Ginsburg yielded to entreaties from some Democrats to retire while Obama could name a like-minded successor. As a result, the liberal icon shares some blame for a decision that she would have abhorred.

The potential impact of her decision may have influenced the 83-year-old Breyer’s decision to step aside for Biden to name his successor.

By then, however, the Trump majority was in place.