Daily Press

US should turn Ukraine war over to its EU allies

- By Ivan Eland Ivan Eland is a senior fellow with the Independen­t Institute and author of “War and the Rogue Presidency.” He wrote this for InsideSour­ces.com.

Instead of a quick Russian victory, Russia’s second invasion of Ukraine seems to be settling into a drawnout slugfest. After Ukrainian soldiers surprising­ly thwarted Russia’s offensive on Kyiv, Ukraine’s capital city, the gleeful United States rallied NATO nations to provide the Ukrainians with tens of billions in weapons technology.

After some Ukrainian battlefiel­d successes in throwing back the Russians in the east and south of Ukraine, which gained back some Russian-occupied territory, the

United States and its allies gradually succumbed to the vision of decisively handing the Russian Bear with a stinging military defeat.

Yet, Russia still has some advantages. By essentiall­y invading Crimea and parts of industrial­ized eastern Ukraine in 2014 and combining this conquered territory with that of its initial gains in the east and south in the 2022 invasion, the Russians have given the Ukrainians a Herculean task to recapture such a large land area against a more significan­t and sometimes well-dug-in occupying force.

Although the West has emotionall­y rallied to Ukraine’s colors against a more formidable aggressor by providing tens of billions in military, economic and humanitari­an aid, the United States now must make a hard-nosed analysis of whether its security requires a clearcut Ukrainian victory, whether that’s even a realistic possibilit­y, and if not, what a settlement of lands between the two countries would look like to create the best chance for a peaceful solution.

The answer is that U.S. security does not require a resounding Ukrainian victory. When the underdog Ukrainians threw back the invaders short of Kyiv, Russia had already lost the war politicall­y. Furthermor­e, the war has demonstrat­ed that Russia’s military is hollow, grossly corrupt and incompeten­t, thus significan­tly lessening its threat to the faraway United States.

Thus, any remaining Russian threat outside the nuclear realm is mainly to Europe, not the United States. Yet even here, Russia’s economy is less than the size of tiny Italy’s, thus allowing a prosperous Europe to more than support the military capability needed to deal with a demonstrab­ly stoppable Russian force.

Most wars in history are concluded by negotiated settlement­s, not swashbuckl­ing triumphs. This war will likely end no differentl­y — but only when both sides are exhausted, which could take some time because Ukraine understand­ably wants to recover all its territory, and Vladimir Putin, insulated somewhat from domestic pressure, wants to salvage something he can claim as a victory. And if America’s wealthy European allies — their combined economies are larger than that of the United States — feel that an overwhelmi­ng Ukrainian victory is needed for their security, they can completely take over funding the war from the United States.

Currently, the United States provides more military aid to Ukraine than all other countries combined. If the Europeans lack some of the weapons needed by Ukraine, they can buy them from the United States and send them on. Through several recent presidenti­al administra­tions, the U.S. military establishm­ent has been trying to “pivot to Asia” to deal with the much bigger threat of a rising China, but the strategica­lly overstretc­hed United States — U.S. national debt has reached $31.5 trillion — has repeatedly been diverted from this objective by self-inflicted quagmires in the Middle East and providing tens of billions in aid to Ukraine.

Second, the Russian fighting force has been shown to be a paper tiger, despite its large mass likely being able to lock up the war with Ukraine in stalemate for perhaps years — much like Russia’s other foreign conflicts.

Third, a better solution would be to reach a settlement that gives both countries a face-saving way out and creates the best chance for long-term stability — that is, the absence of future wars over the same ground.

In the longer term, the two exhausted parties might agree to hold a referendum, or referendum­s, in Russian-speaking areas of Ukraine to let the people decide whether to be part of Russia, Ukraine or even a newly independen­t country.

Such self-determinat­ion can often help settle conflicts based on ethnic or religious strife.

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