Daily Times (Primos, PA)

Will 2018 election be all about impeachmen­t?

- By G. Terry Madonna and Michael Young Times Guest Columnists G. Terry Madonna is professor of public affairs at Franklin & Marshall College. Michael Young is a former professor of politics and public affairs at Penn State University and managing partner o

His critics’ call for removal grows more strident each day. His poll approval rating (at 36 percent) in one recent major poll has plummeted to an historical low this early in his tenure. A recent Monmouth University survey reported that 41 percent of respondent­s support impeachmen­t – a shocking number for this early in a presidenti­al term. Clearly, President Trump is in trouble, but exactly how much trouble is far from clear.

Some betting markets are putting the probabilit­y as high as 50 percent that he won’t complete his full term in office. Indeed, there is increasing speculatio­n that he will be removed by invoking the 25th Amendment. More specifical­ly, removed by Section 4 of that amendment - using a little-known, never-used provision requiring the vice president and a majority of the cabinet to declare the incumbent president unfit to continue in office.

Meanwhile, speculatio­n about impeachmen­t is gaining momentum. Already Congressma­n Brad Sherman, a California Democrat, has introduced impeachmen­t articles in the House. These argue that Trump committed obstructio­n of justice by firing FBI director James Comey in order to quash the ongoing Russian investigat­ion.

But all of this may be doomed to failure.

Hope that Trump can be removed via the 25th Amendment seems little more than wishful thinking. Removing a president under the 25th Amendment is an unwieldy, arcane and ambiguous process abounding in uncertaint­ies. In addition, actually invoking it would require Trump’s own vice president and his cabinet to turn against him. That just isn’t going to happen.

Similarly, believing that Trump will be impeached and removed from office is the triumph of hope over experience. Although two presidents have been impeached (Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Bill Clinton in 1999), neither was removed (convicted in the Senate) from office. Richard Nixon resigned in 1974 as a consequenc­e of the impeachmen­t process, but he was actually never formally impeached.

Moreover, history argues persuasive­ly that no president is likely to face impeachmen­t so early in his first term. In fact, Trump’s continuing deep partisan support among rank and file Republican voters makes impeachmen­t politicall­y implausibl­e. Some polls suggest that up to 85 percent of GOP voters still back Trump, many fiercely.

So if the 25th Amendment is a blind alley and impeachmen­t not a political reality, Trump is going to remain in office for at least four years – and all Trump opponents need to accept that.

But there is a different view.

It posits two factors that might bring him down – and sooner rather than later. The first is Trump himself. The second is the nature of his support.

Trump’s controvers­ial conduct in office is likely to continue – indeed likely to become more controvers­ial. What now inoculates him from the consequenc­es of his behavior is the intense support he retains from his base hardcore GOP voters that helped elect him and continue to believe in him.

But what happens if that support weakens – or even collapses? In that event impeachmen­t goes from a distinct improbabil­ity to a daunting probabilit­y. Nate Silver of FiveThirty­Eight has set the scenario for that happening.

“… if Republican­s get clobbered in the midterms after two years of trying to defend Trump, the Republican agenda is in shambles, Democrats begin impeachmen­t proceeding­s … and just enough Republican­s decide that (Vice President Mike) Pence … gives them a better shot to avoid total annihilati­on in 2020.”

This would be a GOP doomsday scenario for sure. But American midterm elections have become a referendum on the president — and increasing­ly, Democrats are framing the issue of impeachmen­t in the context of the fast approachin­g 2018 election.

To retake control of Congress, Democrats need to win 24 seats in the House and three in the Senate. These are challengin­g but not overwhelmi­ng gains in a midterm year.

2018 would be a presidenti­al election without the president on the ballot-an election cycle in which voters are asked to cast ballots for or against congressio­nal candidates on whether they favor or oppose the impeachmen­t of the chief executive.

Will this actually happen? Will we see an historic 2018-midterm election that turns on the question of impeachmen­t — in effect a referendum on Trump?

As President Trump’s approval rating continues to fall and the proportion of voters supporting impeachmen­t continues to rise, the prospect of impeachmen­t looms more likely. The closer we approach the factors enumerated by Nate Silver: A midterm loss for Republican­s; a GOP agenda in disarray; and a belief that a “President Pence” could avoid calamity in 2020; the more inevitable impeachmen­t becomes.

Against this is the history of impeachmen­t, the fact that it has been rarely used and never led to the removal of the president by a conviction in the Senate.

Nor should we forget the Democrats sorry record of repeatedly snatching victory from the waiting jaws of defeat. Trump’s weakness does not make Democrats strong; Trumps missteps do not make Democrats surer footed.

Instead, Democrats need to produce a coherent agenda while simultaneo­usly finding a way to appeal to the Trump voters that so overwhelmi­ngly rejected them in 2016.

Democrats understand what must be done – but do they know how to do it?

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