Daily Times (Primos, PA)

Summer of protest: Chance for change, but obstacles exposed

- By Colleen Long, Kat Stafford and R.j. Rico

WASHINGTON » Memorial Day brought the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapoli­s police, prompting hundreds of thousands of Americans to take to the streets in protest. President Donald Trump called Floyd’s death a “disgrace” and momentum built around policing reform.

But by Labor Day, the prospects for federal legislatio­n have evaporated. And Trump is seeking to leverage the violence that has erupted around some of the protests to scare white, suburban voters and encourage them to back his reelection campaign.

The three-month stretch between the symbolic kickoff and close of America’s summer has both galvanized broad public support for the racial justice movement and exposed the obstacles to turning that support into concrete political and policy changes. It has also clarified the choice for voters in the presidenti­al race between Trump, who rarely mentions Floyd or other Black Americans killed by police anymore, and Democrat Joe Biden, who argues that the summer of protests can become a catalyst for tackling systemic racism.

Polls show Biden has an advantage among Americans when it comes to which candidate can manage the country better through the protests. An ABC News/Ipsos poll out Friday showed that 55% of Americans believe Trump is aggravatin­g the situation. When it comes to reducing violence, Americans favor Biden to Trump, 59% to 39%.

“No matter what he says or what he claims, you are not safer in Donald Trump’s America,” Biden said Friday.

Yet Trump’s campaign also sees an opportunit­y to appeal to some voters who may be turned off by scenes of violence cropping up around some of the protests, including in Kenosha, Wisconsin, where police shot Jacob Blake, a Black man, seven times last month. The president has openly directed his appeals at the “suburban housewives of America” — especially white housewives — casting his reelection as the only thing preventing violence in cities from spilling into their neighborho­ods.

Trump traveled to Kenosha this past week, thanked law enforcemen­t for their efforts and met with people whose businesses were destroyed in fires. He did not meet with Blake’s family. Biden did, on Thursday, while on a visit to the city.

“I think that there was a lot of optimism surroundin­g the protests this summer in the wake of George Floyd because for the first time, we were starting to see all of these white people in the United States pay a great deal of attention to police brutality and racial injustice,” said Ashley Jardina, assistant professor of political science at Duke University, and author of the book “White Identity Politics.”

“But white Americans have always had a low tolerance for protests and unrest around race in the U.S., and that’s particular­ly true when they think that protests become violent or involve the destructio­n of property,” Jardina added.

The majority of racial justice protests have been peaceful. But some, including in Kenosha and Minneapoli­s, saw vandalism and violence. A Trump supporter is charged with homicide in the shooting death of two protesters, and an anti-fascist shot and killed a rightwing protester in Portland, Oregon, and was later killed during his arrest by law enforcemen­t.

Trump has also tried to link the protests to local increases in shootings, murders and other crimes in cities, including Kansas City, Missouri, Detroit, Chicago and New York, even though criminal justice experts say the spike defies easy explanatio­n in a year when with historic unemployme­nt and a pandemic that has killed more than 180,000 people. Crime overall remains lower than it has been in years past and criminolog­ists also caution against a focus on crime statistics over a short time frame, such as week-to-week or month-to-month.

Dan Cooper, a white 51-year-old software engineer in Portland, remains supportive of the protests and the Black Lives Matter movement but fears the vandalism is “playing into the right’s hands.”

“A few months ago they started off in a more BLMfocused way. It does seem like they’ve lost their way a little bit,” Cooper said of the protests.

Steve DeFeo, a white 49-year-old manager at an insurance company in Edgewater, Florida, shares that concern. He said that while he supports the protests and the Black Lives Matter movement, he worries that violent protesters allow others to inaccurate­ly portray the movement as dangerous.

“That message gets amplified when you go out and spray-paint and throw rocks and light fires,” he said. “When you see a burnt building, that is helping the wrong side of the narrative. It’s not as effective for the BLM movement and keeping their message for what it should be.”

National Black Lives Matter organizers have never asked for, encouraged or condoned looting or fighting with law enforcemen­t or police supporters on the streets, because they are protesting the violent harm done to their communitie­s.

Thenjiwe McHarris, a strategist with the Movement for Black Lives, a coalition of more than 150 organizati­ons, said Trump’s effort was a “desperate tactic to paint our movement a particular kind of way to stoke fear in communitie­s across the country and to try to steal this election.”

 ?? RINGO H.W. CHIU — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE ?? In this June 3, 2020, file photo demonstrat­ors take part in a protest in downtown Los Angeles, sparked by the death of George Floyd, who died May 25 after he was restrained by Minneapoli­s police. The three month stretch between the symbolic kickoff and close of America’s summer has both galvanized broad public support for the racial justice movement and exposed the obstacles to turning that support into concrete political and policy changes.
RINGO H.W. CHIU — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE In this June 3, 2020, file photo demonstrat­ors take part in a protest in downtown Los Angeles, sparked by the death of George Floyd, who died May 25 after he was restrained by Minneapoli­s police. The three month stretch between the symbolic kickoff and close of America’s summer has both galvanized broad public support for the racial justice movement and exposed the obstacles to turning that support into concrete political and policy changes.

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