Daily Times (Primos, PA)

North Carolina case imperils U.S. elections

Perhaps the first time you heard the phrase “checks and balances” was in middle school civics class. Not surprising, since it’s a cornerston­e of American democracy.

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The executive, legislativ­e and judicial branches of government act as counterwei­ghts to each other, so that no single branch dominates.

This summer, the U.S. Supreme Court will rule on a case that challenges the notion of checks and balances and could upend America’s democratic framework for holding elections. It could have crucial ramificati­ons for upcoming contests, perhaps even the presidenti­al race in 2024.

The case, Moore v. Harper, comes out of North Carolina, where Republican­s argue that the elections clause in the U.S. Constituti­on gives state legislator­s unilateral control over the “times, places and manner” of congressio­nal elections, including the decennial process of redistrict­ing.

The North Carolina Supreme Court struck down the state legislatur­e’s remap saying it violated the state constituti­on.

The state’s Republican­s, however, claim it’s legislatur­es, not courts, that have the ultimate say over remaps.

Underpinni­ng the GOP argument is the “independen­t state legislatur­e theory,” which has never been sanctioned by the Supreme Court. Now the court’s conservati­ve justices could make the theory the standard for America’s elections.

That would prove disastrous for American democracy.

A ruling that embraces independen­t state legislatur­e theory would allow state lawmakers to thumb their noses at state constituti­ons, particular­ly provisions that codify voting rights, such as assurances of options for mail-in voting and casting absentee ballots. State constituti­ons are blueprints for the exercise of democracy — weakening them sets the table for electoral chaos and dysfunctio­n.

A victory for North Carolina’s GOP would also effectivel­y create a license to gerrymande­r. The practice, as popular among Democrats as Republican­s, already is a scourge across the country, at every echelon of government.

Perhaps what’s most disturbing about independen­t state legislatur­e theory is that it effectivel­y negates the whole concept of checks and balances. State legislatur­es are fallible, as are governors. State supreme courts represent a bulwark against that fallibilit­y. Limiting state supreme courts’ ability to uphold their respective constituti­ons makes the electoral process dangerousl­y vulnerable to abuse — and ultimately disenfranc­hises voters.

When the Supreme Court heard arguments on the North Carolina case in December, Justice Elena Kagan framed her concerns this way: “It would say that legislatur­es could enact all manner of restrictio­ns on voting, get rid of all kinds of voter protection­s that the state Constituti­on in fact prohibits.”

“This is a proposal that gets rid of the normal checks and balances on the way big government­al decisions are made in this country,” Kagan continued. “And it gets rid of all those checks and balances at exactly the time when they are needed most.”

We know what Kagan was hinting at. Though President Donald Trump failed in his bid to overturn the 2020 presidenti­al election, he had allies in key states willing to execute his scheme. The Trump team looked to state legislatur­es in battlegrou­nd states as the fulcrum for his bid, and his allies specifical­ly cited the independen­t state legislatur­e theory as justificat­ion for their actions. Imagine if those Trump loyalists at the state level had unchecked power and state supreme courts could not intervene.

The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to rule on the case this summer. Kagan’s fellow justices have a lot of time to weigh the ramificati­ons of Moore v. Harper, and heed her warnings. That’s exactly what they should do.

This country’s electoral process has taken some serious hits in recent years. The Supreme Court must firmly remind state legislatur­es that they are bound by their state constituti­ons, and ensure those broadsides come to an immediate end.

A ruling that embraces independen­t state legislatur­e theory would allow state lawmakers to thumb their noses at state constituti­ons.

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