Dayton Daily News

GOP achieves only facsimile of unity sought at convention

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in which, against all expectatio­n, he refused to endorse Donald Trump.

It’s one thing to do this off-site. It’s another thing to do it as a guest at a celebratio­n of the man you are rebuking.

Cruz left the stage to a cascade of boos, having delivered the longest suicide note in American political history. If Cruz fancied himself following Ronald Reagan in 1976, the runner-up who overshadow­ed the party nominee in a rousing convention speech that propelled him four years later to the nomination, he might reflect on the fact that Reagan endorsed Gerald Ford.

Cruz’s rebellion would have a stronger claim to conscience had he not obsequious­ly accommodat­ed himself to Trump during the first six months of the campaign. Cruz reinforced that impression of political calculatio­n when, addressing the Texas delegation Thursday morning, he said that “I am not in the habit of supporting people who attack my wife and attack my father.” That he should feel so is not surprising. What is surprising is that he said this publicly, thus further underminin­g his claim to acting on high principle.

The other faction of the anti-Trump opposition was far more subtle. These are the leaders of the party’s congressio­nal wing who’ve offered public allegiance to Trump while remaining privately unreconcil­ed. You could feel the reluctance of these latter-day Marranos in the speeches of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and House Speaker Paul Ryan.

McConnell’s pitch, as always, was practical and direct. We’ve got things to achieve in the Senate. Obama won’t sign. Clinton won’t sign. Trump will.

Very specific, very instrument­al. Trump will be our enabler, an instrument of the governing — or if you prefer, establishm­ent — wing of the party.

Together, McConnell and Ryan made clear that if Trump wins, they are ready to cooperate. And if Trump loses, they are ready to inherit.

Vice presidenti­al nominee Mike Pence gave an affecting, self-deprecatin­g address that managed to bridge his traditiona­l conservati­sm with Trump’s insurgent populism. He managed to make the merger look smooth, even natural.

Rudy Giuliani gave the most energetic loyalist address, a rousing law-and-order manifesto, albeit at an excitement level that surely alarmed his cardiologi­st.

And Chris Christie’s prosecutor­ial indictment of Hillary Clinton for crimes of competence and character was doing just fine until he went to the audience after each charge for a call-and-response of “guilty or not guilty.”

The frenzied response was a reminder as to why trials are conducted in a courtroom and not a coliseum.

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