Dayton Daily News

What caused the deteriorat­ion leading to the troop surge?

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KABUL, AFGHANISTA­N — Sixteen years into its longest war, the United States is sending another 4,000 troops to Afghanista­n in an attempt to turn around a conflict characteri­zed by some of the worst violence since the Taliban were ousted in 2001. The troops also face the emergence of an Islamic State group affiliate and an emboldened Taliban, who by Washington’s own watchdog’s assessment now control nearly half the country.

In February, Special Inspector General for Afghan Recon- struction John Sopko, in his first report to the Trump administra­tion, offered a bleak picture of a country struggling under the burden of a deeply corrupt govern- ment, a strengthen­ing Tali- ban and a U.S. developmen­t budget rife with waste.

While the government of President Ashraf Ghani asked for a troop surge, at least one lawmaker, Nasrullah Sadeqizada, was skeptical of the plan and cautioned it should be coordinate­d with the Afghan government and not be done unilateral­ly by the United States.

“The security situation continues to deteriorat­e in Afghanista­n and the foreign troops who are here are not making it better,” the lawmaker said.

At its peak, the war involved 120,000 internatio­nal troops from 42 coun- tries. So many in Afghanista­n question whether adding 4,000 troops to the 8,500 U.S. soldiers in the country will bring peace. But failure could leave the U.S. vulner- able to an increasing­ly hostile Afghanista­n and its grow- ing anti-Western sentiment.

Here’s a look at the situation amid the pending U.S. troop surge:

ultimately

When the Taliban were ousted in December 2001, the U.S. and its coalition part- ners declared victory. However, within months, the reli- gious movement began to show signs of re-emergence, spurred on by a government that alienated ethnic Pashtuns who were the militant group’s backbone.

As early as the fall of 2002, a deputy police commander in Afghanista­n’s southern Zabul province said he tried unsuc- cessfully to recruit thousands of young Pashtun men to the police. All but four returned from the Afghan capital, Kabul, claiming discrimina- tion because of their ethnicity, and joined the Taliban, whose leadership had found a safe haven next door in Pakistan.

The first government after the Taliban’s ouster was made up of commanders of vari- ous ethnic background­s, all with powerful militias, while ethnic Pashtuns were represente­d by then-President Hamid Karzai, who was without a militia and politicall­y dependent on the U.S. and the powerful commanders of the so-called Northern Alli- ance, which had been allied with the U.S.-led coalition against the Taliban.

What groups do the U.S., NATO and Afghan soldiers face?

The most powerful and well outfitted group is the Taliban. Among them, the strongest outfit is the so-called Haqqani network with its deep ties to Pakistan and particular­ly Pakistan’s intelligen­ce agency. The relationsh­ip between the two dates back to the 1980s Afghan war against the former Soviet Union, which had sent in more than 100,000 sol- diers to support the pro-communist Afghan government.

Three years after the Russians were defeated in 1989 by the U.S.-backed mujahedeen, or holy warriors, a col- lection of mujahedeen groups including the Haqqanis had taken power in Kabul. But they quickly turned their guns on each other, killing 50,000 people, mostly civilians, in their four-year rule that led to the Taliban’s rise and eventual takeover of Kabul in 1996.

The Taliban ruled until their ouster in 2001. During their five-year rein, the Taliban ended the fighting but imposed their interpreta­tion of Islamic law, or Sha- ria, which denied girls edu- cation, women work and meted out harsh punishment for offenses against Islam.

The other increasing­ly violent enemy facing off against the U.S. and Afghan troops is the Islamic State group affiliate known as IS in Khorasan Province, an ancient area that once encompasse­d parts of Afghanista­n, Iran and Central Asia.

The IS began as mostly a group of Pakistani tribesmen driven from their tribal areas by the Pakistani military after they declared war on the Pakistan state. Disgruntle­d Afghan Taliban commanders and fighters, mostly from Afghanista­n’s eastern Nangarhar province who favored a more aggressive war against the Kabul government, joined them.

A dangerous twist to the IS in Afghanista­n is the injection of thousands of war-seasoned Uzbek and other Central Asian militants that had once been aligned with the Taliban but had a falling out after a Pakistan military operation drove them across the border into Afghanista­n from the North Waziristan tribal region.

What’s at stake if the surge doesn’t help?

Failure in Afghanista­n would once again offer a safe haven for militant groups of all stripes.

While the majority of al-Qaida’s Arab fighters are understood to have relocated to other Middle Eastern battlefiel­ds in Iraq, Syria and Libya, its leadership is still believed to be in Afghanista­n and Pakistan.

After 16 years of war, ordinary Afghans are increasing­ly frustrated by the relentless violence and security failures that allowed, for instance, a truck packed with explosives into the center of Kabul to explode and kill more than 150 people in a recent attack. Many are also disappoint­ed at a government so rife with corruption that even paying utility bills requires paying a bribe to a local official.

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