Dayton Daily News

Treating offenders with humanity yields progress

- Michael Gerson

but watered-down bill called the First Step Act. This legislatio­n would make changes on the exit side of incarcerat­ion — increasing funding for education and job-training programs and allowing inmates to earn credits for early release. As a result of opposition from Sessions and others, the bill does not focus on the entrance side of incarcerat­ion — sentencing reform that would encourage alternativ­es to imprisonme­nt for less dangerous offenders.

States have demonstrat­ed the prison reform can work. In the current issue of National Affairs, Lars Trautman and Arthur Rizer provide a helpful survey of a red-state policy revolution. States such as Texas, Georgia and Louisiana have taken a series of measures to divert addicts and people with mental-health problems away from incarcerat­ion, to limit mandatory minimums and to make wider and better use of parole.

The theory is simple. America’s vast experiment in routine incarcerat­ion — which has quadrupled the American incarcerat­ion rate since 1972 — had some effect in reducing contact between dangerous offenders and potential victims. But recidivism rates are dismal. And millions of relatively non-dangerous people have been swept up into a justice system that puts them in intimate contact with dangerous offenders, exposes them to rape and violence, deprives their families of emotional and financial support, and sends them back into communitie­s without skills and stamped with a felony stigma.

Prison and sentencing reforms are designed to provide a broader range of penalties and treatment options to courts, along with greater discretion in employing them. This means that the violent criminals get treated differentl­y from nonviolent criminals, who get treated differentl­y from addicts, who get treated differentl­y from the mentally disabled, who get treated differentl­y from parole violators — instead of sweeping them all into prison beds.

“This renaissanc­e has been led in large part by deep-red Texas,” write Trautman and Rizer, “which, by institutin­g a series of ‘smart on crime’ initiative­s in the last decade, accomplish­ed a feat previously believed to be impossible: the simultaneo­us reduction of its crime, recidivism and incarcerat­ion rates.” While the crime rate index fell by 20 percent nationally from 2007 to 2014, it fell by 26 percent in Texas. The state, meanwhile, closed eight prisons.

Liberals look at mass incarcerat­ion and see structural racism. Libertaria­ns see the denial of civil liberties. Fiscal conservati­ves see wasted resources. Religious activists see inhumane conditions and damaged lives.

All these conviction­s converge at one point: We should treat offenders as humans, with different stories and different needs, instead of casting them all into the same pit of despair.

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