Dayton Daily News

Pruitt’s successor more thorough

Likely new EPA chief rolling back regulation­s.

- Lisa Friedman ©2018 The New York Times

Before WASHINGTON — resigning as the head of the Environmen­tal Protection Agency this year, Scott Pruitt delighted President Donald Trump with his zeal for proclaimin­g sweeping regulatory rollbacks, even though he left behind a trail of courtroom setbacks.

Andrew R. Wheeler, a former energy lobbyist whom Trump plans to nominate to lead the EPA, has been quietly cleaning up the mess.

Where virtually all of Pruitt’s hastily written rollbacks and suspension­s have been blocked by the courts, Wheeler has taken a far more deliberati­ve approach, immersing himself in the legal intricacie­s — a strategy that could make Wheeler one of the most effective drivers of the Trump administra­tion’s ambitious plan to rewrite the nation’s rule book on the environmen­t and climate.

“He’s done a fantastic job,” Trump said Friday of Wheeler, who has served as the EPA’s acting administra­tor since Pruitt stepped down in July amid a wave of ethics scandals. Supporters say the White House sees in Wheeler the anti-Pruitt: drama-free, low-key, and, most importantl­y, able to get the proposed rollbacks through the courts.

In doing this, however, Wheeler has already found himself at odds not only with conservati­ve groups but others within his own administra­tion.

But these tensions underscore­d what many say is the essential difference between Trump’s first and second choices for EPA chief: Where Pruitt sought the limelight, Wheeler sweats the details. And that could make him a far more formidable weapon than his predecesso­r in the Trump administra­tion’s vast reshaping of environmen­tal and climate rules.

“Andy Wheeler is one of the few calm spots in the turbulent seas of this executive branch,” said Scott Segal, a fossil-fuel lobbyist for Bracewell who has worked closely with Wheeler. “That must come as a pretty welcome relief to this White House.” He also has “sufficient process understand­ing to make that agenda stick,” Segal added.

This summer, for instance, the EPA took steps to replace the Clean Power Plan, a major Obama administra­tion policy designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from power plants. The new version of the plan is significan­tly weaker.

But Pruitt had wanted to eliminate the program entirely, while Wheeler, according to several industry sources, insisted that the government was legally obligated to have a climate plan. Therefore, eliminatin­g the Clean Power Plan without replacing it could be challenged in court and leave an opening for even tougher regulation­s under a future Democratic president.

“I got phone calls from conservati­ves wanting to know, ‘Why did we do anything? Why are we putting forward a proposal at all?’” Wheeler acknowledg­ed in an interview last week. His argument, that more restrictiv­e replacemen­t is better than killing off the climate regulation entirely, won the day.

Then, in August, the EPA and the Transporta­tion Department moved to gut another major federal effort to combat climate change by relaxing rules aimed at reducing car tailpipe pollution. The Trump administra­tion plan also voided California’s ability to set its own, stricter standards, triggering a potentiall­y ugly legal battle between Washington and blue states over the ability to fight global warming.

Wheeler, according to several people involved in the discussion­s, pushed back forcefully against an analysis used by highway officials to justify the rollback, which argued that stricter fuel pollution rules would cause thousands of deaths in road accidents. The agency argued that more efficient cars are less safe because they are lighter.

People who have attended meetings with Wheeler said he argued that the fatality numbers relied on bad calculatio­ns and were likely to be successful­ly challenged in court.

Wheeler on Friday denied that he had clashed with Jeffrey A. Rosen, the chief Transporta­tion Department architect of the auto-standards rollback, saying he merely sought to understand his colleagues’ mathematic­al modeling and legal reasoning.

“I wanted to make sure what we were putting forward would be upheld in the courts, and he assured me that the work they had done would be,” Wheeler said.

A department official, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak on the record, said on Tuesday that there was “no dispute” between the agencies.

Wheeler’s predecesso­r, Pruitt, faced more than a dozen federal investigat­ions into his conduct, including his extensive use of firstclass air travel, renting a condo from the wife of an energy lobbyist with business before the EPA and enlisting aides on personal tasks like buying a used mattress from Trump Internatio­nal Hotel and seeking a Chick-fil-A franchise for his wife.

The grandson of a coal miner and an Ohio native, Wheeler studied biology in college and got his first job after law school in the 1990s working at the EPA’s office of pollution prevention and toxics. He later worked in the Senate for 14 years, most of that time for Sen. James Inhofe, R-Okla.

During that time, Pruitt was seen as a protégé of Inhofe. The senator last week said he strongly supported Wheeler’s nomination.

As an energy lobbyist since 2009, Wheeler’s top client was Robert E. Murray, the chief executive of one of the country’s largest coal companies, a fierce opponent of EPA climate change regulation­s and a denier of establishe­d climate science.

Asked last week to describe his understand­ing of the best available science on global warming, Wheeler said: “I think climate change is happening. Man has an impact. CO2 has an impact.”

It’s not a full acceptance of the scientific consensus that humans are the dominant cause of rising global temperatur­es. But it’s closer to it than the positions of Pruitt, who falsely claimed that there was “tremendous disagreeme­nt” among scientists about how great a role humans play in driving warming, or Trump, who said “I don’t know that it’s man-made.”

Still, Wheeler argued, sweeping regulation­s, like the plan put forth by the Obama administra­tion to force a shift toward renewable energy by asking states to reduce emissions from coal plants, would have “basically ended the coal industry in the United States.”

Wheeler visited all 10 of the EPA’s regional offices at the start of his tenure and has involved the agency’s longtime career employees in policy meetings, things Pruitt hadn’t done. Moves like these have won praise from some of Pruitt’s fiercest critics.

“He’s somebody that respects the institutio­n of the EPA,” Kevin Minoli, the EPA’s former top ethics counsel who had called for investigat­ions into Pruitt, said of Wheeler.

That hasn’t endeared him to environmen­tal groups, however. In fact, many say Wheeler’s softer touch has made it harder to focus the public’s attention on his weakening of clean air and water laws.

“In some ways Pruitt distracted from some of the very negative things that were going on in environmen­tal law, but in other ways there was a lot of attention being paid to EPA,” said Conrad Schneider, advocacy director for the Clean Air Task Force, an environmen­tal nonprofit organizati­on.

Analysts on both sides say Wheeler is more pragmatic than his predecesso­r and more discipline­d. Where Pruitt would throw his energy into ideologica­l battles, like trying to create support for a military-style televised debate of climate science, Wheeler has eschewed the limelight and strategica­lly focused on a handful of major policy initiative­s.

Under Wheeler’s watch, the EPA has moved forward with rolling back or weakening every major Obamaera climate change regulation. In addition to the proposal to loosen car pollution rules, those moves include replacing a landmark effort to curb greenhouse gas emissions from coal-fired power plants with a plan that the agency says will see air pollution actually rise, and reducing limits on methane pollution, a powerful greenhouse gas, from oil and gas wells.

He also has focused on work begun by Pruitt to revise Obama’s clean water regulation, known as the Waters of the United States rule, saying on Friday that the revisions “will be coming out soon.” He has taken on an effort to weaken and perhaps repeal a 2011 rule that limits mercury, a toxic chemical that is emitted from coal plants.

“By word and deed, Wheeler is proving to be as bad and dangerous as Pruitt,” said John Walke, clean air director at the Natural Resources Defense Council.

Conservati­ves see Wheeler and his predecesso­r in a different light. Among them is Myron Ebell, who led Trump’s EPA transition team.

“Pruitt was an outstandin­g advocate for the Trump agenda, and now it’s up to Andy Wheeler to be the outstandin­g implemente­r of the Trump agenda,” Ebell said.

 ?? U.S. ENVIRONMEN­TAL PROTECTION AGENCY VIA THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? Andrew Wheeler (left) became acting EPA administra­tor in July after Scott Pruitt resigned. Wheeler could emerge as an effective and efficient driver of the administra­tion’s environmen­tal and climate deregulati­on agenda.
U.S. ENVIRONMEN­TAL PROTECTION AGENCY VIA THE NEW YORK TIMES Andrew Wheeler (left) became acting EPA administra­tor in July after Scott Pruitt resigned. Wheeler could emerge as an effective and efficient driver of the administra­tion’s environmen­tal and climate deregulati­on agenda.

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