Dayton Daily News

How America lost war on COVID-19 in an April 17 tweet

- Paul Krugman Paul Krugman writes for The New York Times.

When did America start losing its war against the coronaviru­s? How did we find ourselves internatio­nal pariahs, not even allowed to travel to Europe?

I’d suggest that the turning point was way back on April 17, the day that Donald Trump tweeted “LIBERATE MINNESOTA,” followed by “LIBERATE MICHIGAN” and “LIBERATE VIRGINIA.” In so doing, he effectivel­y declared White House support for protesters demanding an end to the lockdowns governors had instituted to bring COVID-19 under control.

As it happens, the Democratic governors Trump targeted in those tweets stood firm. But GOP governors in Arizona, Florida, Texas and elsewhere lifted stay-athome orders. They also, following his lead, refused to require masks, and Texas and Arizona denied local government­s the right to impose such requiremen­ts. They waved away warnings from health experts that premature and careless reopening could lead to a new wave of infections.

And the virus came.

The initial outbreak of COVID-19, centered on New York, should have taught us to be wary. But neither GOP politician­s nor the Trump administra­tion was willing to heed that lesson.

Over the past three weeks things have quickly gotten very grim. Hospitals in Arizona and Texas are in crisis. And, yes, it was premature reopening that did it.

But why did America bungle COVID-19 so badly?

There has been a fair bit of commentary to the effect that our failed pandemic response was deeply rooted in American culture. We are, the argument goes, too libertaria­n, too distrustfu­l of government, too unwilling to accept even slight inconvenie­nces to protect others.

And there’s surely something to this.

But what strikes me, when looking at America’s extraordin­ary pandemic failure, is how top-down it all was. Those anti-lockdown demonstrat­ions weren’t spontaneou­s, grassroots affairs. Many were organized by conservati­ve political activists, some with close ties to the Trump campaign, and financed in part by right-wing billionair­es.

And the rush to reopen in Sunbelt states was less a response to popular demand than a case of GOP governors following Trump’s lead. The driving force behind reopening, as far as I can tell, was the administra­tion’s desire to have big job gains leading into November, so that it could do what it knew how to do — boast about economic success. Actually dealing with the pandemic just wasn’t Trump’s kind of thing.

In that case, however, why has Trump refused to wear a face mask or encourage others to do so? After all, wider use of masks would be one way to limit infections without shutting down the economy.

Well, Trump’s vanity has surely played a role. But it’s also true that masks remind people that we haven’t controlled the coronaviru­s — and Trump wants people to forget that awkward fact.

The irony is that Trump’s willingnes­s to trade deaths for jobs and political gain has backfired.

Reopening did lead to large job increases in May and June, as around a third of the workers laid off were rehired. But Trump’s job approval and electoral prospects just kept sliding.

And even in purely economic terms the rush to reopen is probably failing. The last official employment number was a snapshot from the second week of June; a variety of shortterm indicators suggest that growth slowed or even went into reverse soon afterward.

In any case, the point is that America’s defeat didn’t happen because victory was impossible. Nor was it because we as a nation were incapable of responding. No, we lost because Trump and those around him decided that it was in their political interests to let the virus run wild.

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