El Dorado News-Times

What if some spies are bad guys?

- Andrew Napolitano

What if the federal government captures in real time the contents of every telephone call, email and text message and all the fiber-optic data generated by every person and entity in the

United States 24/7/365?

What if this mass surveillan­ce was never authorized by any federal law?

What if this mass surveillan­ce has come about by the secret collusion of presidents and their spies in the

National Security Agency and by the federal government's forcing the major telephone and computer service providers to coop- erate with it? What if the service providers were coerced into giving the feds continuous physical access to their computers and thus to all the data contained in and passing through those computers?

What if President George W. Bush told the NSA that since it is part of the Defense Department and he was the commander in chief of the military, NSA agents could spy on anyone, notwithsta­nding any court orders or statutes that prohibited it? What if Bush believed that his orders to the military were not constraine­d by the laws Congress had written or the interpreta­tions of those laws by federal courts or even by the Constituti­on?

What if Congress has written laws that all presidents have sworn to uphold and that require a warrant issued by a judge before the NSA can spy on anyone but Bush effectivel­y told the NSA to go through the motions of getting a warrant while spying without warrants on everyone in the U.S. all the time? What if Presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump have taken the same position toward the NSA and ordered or permitted the same warrantles­s and lawless spying?

What if the Constituti­on requires warrants based on probable cause of criminal behavior before surveillan­ce can be conducted but Congress has written laws reducing that standard to probable cause of communicat­ing with someone who has communicat­ed with a foreign national? What if a basic principle of constituti­onal law is that Congress is subject to the Constituti­on and therefore cannot change its terms or their meanings?

What if the Constituti­on requires that all warrants particular­ly describe the place to be searched or the

person or thing to be seized? What if the warrants Congress permits the NSA to use violate that requiremen­t by permitting a federal court to issue general warrants? What if general warrants do not particular­ly describe the place to be searched or the person or thing to be seized but rather authorize the bearer to search indiscrimi­nately through service providers' customer data?

What if most Americans have offered the view that they have nothing to hide from the government? What if the government has no moral, constituti­onal or legal right to personal

informatio­n about and from all of us without a valid search warrant consistent with constituti­onal requiremen­ts?

What if raw intelligen­ce data comes to the government without any proper names on it? What if in order to find those proper names, the government goes through a procedure called unmasking? What if lawful unmasking can only occur when the government knows that a national security problem is afoot and it needs to know the identity of the person whose communicat­ions it has in hand?

What if the Obama administra­tion made it easier for political appointees to unmask members of Congress and other government officials without demonstrat­ing a

national security need as a reason for doing so? What if unmasking for political purposes is a felony?

What if there are 17 federal intelligen­ce agencies that collect raw intelligen­ce data from Americans? What if for generation­s these agencies needed to keep the secrets they acquired to themselves, unless the disseminat­ion of the secrets or the unmasking of the communican­ts was necessary for national security purposes?

What if after Trump was elected president, the Obama administra­tion issued regulation­s that permitted the indiscrimi­nate sharing of raw intelligen­ce data among agents from any of the 17 federal intelligen­ce agencies? What if, after this raw intelligen­ce

data sharing was permitted, some of it ended up in The New York Times and The Washington Post? What if President Trump himself was a victim of indiscrimi­nate sharing and criminal unmasking? What if no one has been prosecuted for this?

What if the use of raw intelligen­ce data for political purposes is a serious threat to personal liberty? What if we in America are the most watched, photograph­ed and copied society in history? What if we never agreed to this? What if instead we have a Constituti­on that was written in large measure to prevent this? What if the purpose of the probable cause requiremen­t and the specificit­y of warrants requiremen­t was to protect the individual right to

be left alone?

What if our personal rights are inalienabl­e as the Declaratio­n of Independen­ce states? What if the government cannot morally, constituti­onally or legally interfere with inalienabl­e rights without a jury trial? What if the whole purpose of the primacy of the Constituti­on was to establish the federal government and at the same time prevent its interferen­ce with inalienabl­e personal rights without probable cause or a jury trial?

What if we fought a revolution against a British king because his agents were interferin­g with inalienabl­e rights without first proving to a court any wrongdoing on the part of those whose rights were trampled? What if because of weakness or fear or secrecy or lethargy or slick arguments, we have a new normal in the U.S. in which every person's inalienabl­e right to be left alone is violated by the federal government so thoroughly, quietly and continuous­ly that we don't even notice it until it is too late?

What if when the feds know enough about us to harm us, it will be too late? What if it is already too late? What do we do about it?

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