El Dorado News-Times

More Hillary Clinton chronicles

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The Department of Justice will soon commence an investigat­ion to determine whether there should be an investigat­ion (you read that nonsense correctly) of a scandal involving the Clinton Foundation and a company called Uranium One. It appears that FBI decisions made during the time that Hillary Clinton was being investigat­ed for espionage will also be investigat­ed to see whether there should be an investigat­ion to determine whether she was properly investigat­ed. (Again, you read that nonsense correctly.)

Only the government can relate nonsense with a straight face. Here is the back story.

When President Donald Trump fired FBI Director Jim Comey last spring, the attorney general's stated purpose for recommendi­ng the firing was Comey's dropping the ball in the investigat­ion of Clinton's email when she was secretary of state. After a year of investigat­ing her use of her own computer servers to transmit and store classified materials instead of using a government server to do so -- and notwithsta­nding a mountain of evidence of her grossly negligent exposure of secret and top-secret materials, which constitute­s the crime of espionage -- the FBI director decided that because no reasonable prosecutor would take the case, it should be dropped. Weeks later, the DOJ ratified Comey's decision.

At the same time that Clinton was failing to safeguard state secrets, she was granting official State Department favors to donors to her family's charitable foundation. There are dozens of examples of this so-called "pay to play," the most egregious of which is the Uranium One case. This involved a Canadian businessma­n and friend of former President Bill Clinton's, Frank Giustra, who bundled donations from various sources that totaled $148 million, all of which Giustra gave to the Clinton Foundation.

At the same time that Giustra made this extraordin­ary donation, he was representi­ng a client that needed federal permission to purchase a 51 percent stake in Uranium One, which then controlled about 20 percent of America's licensed uranium mining capacity. Secretary Clinton freely gave Giustra's client the State Department's approval, and it soon acquired the remaining approvals to make the purchase. Giustra's client is a Russian corporatio­n controlled by the Kremlin.

When the FBI got wind of the Giustra donation and Secretary Clinton's approval and the Kremlin involvemen­t, it commenced an investigat­ion of whether Clinton had been bribed. At some point during former President Barack Obama's second term, that investigat­ion was terminated. We do not know whether the investigat­ing FBI agents learned that the Clinton Foundation was not even registered as a charity by the states in which it was doing business or authorized by them to receive tax-free donations.

At the same time that the FBI was looking into Uranium One, American and British intelligen­ce agents were surveillin­g Donald Trump. The belated stated purpose of that surveillan­ce was to ascertain whether the future president or his colleagues were engaged in any unlawful activity by accepting campaign favors from foreign nationals or were improperly assisting foreign intelligen­ce agents to interfere with the presidenti­al election.

One of the foreign nationals whose communicat­ions were captured during that surveillan­ce was Sergey Kislyak, then the Russian ambassador to the United States. He spoke with Michael Flynn, then the national security adviser to President-elect Trump. Mysterious­ly, portions of a transcript of those intercepte­d communicat­ions were published in The Washington Post.

Another foreign national who caught the FBI's attention is a former British intelligen­ce agent named Christophe­r Steele. Steele had compiled a dossier about, among other things, alleged inappropri­ate behavior by Trump in a Moscow hotel room years earlier. After offering Steele $50,000 to corroborat­e his dossier, the FBI backed down.

After being confronted by irate Republican members of the House and Senate judiciary committees, who demanded to know why the investigat­ions of these matters had been terminated, Attorney General Jeff Sessions revealed that he has asked career DOJ lawyers to commence an investigat­ion of all of the above to determine whether an independen­t counsel should be appointed to investigat­e all of the above.

This is the investigat­ion to determine whether there should be an investigat­ion. This is also the DOJ's reluctance to do its job.

Can the government investigat­e itself? The short answer is yes, and it has done so in the past. But it hardly needs an investigat­ion to determine whether there should be an investigat­ion. The job of the DOJ is to investigat­e probable violations of federal law. Sessions should not shy away from this and should not push it off to another independen­t counsel.

We have one independen­t counsel already because his target -- let's be candid -- is the president of the United States. That is a potato too hot for the DOJ. But Hillary and Bill Clinton, the FBI's tampering with the political process, and the use of intelligen­ce-captured communicat­ions for political purposes are not. It is profoundly the duty of the DOJ -- using its investigat­ory arm, the FBI -- to investigat­e all this.

Whatever Comey's motive for not prosecutin­g Hillary Clinton and the DOJ's ratificati­on of it, the current DOJ is not bound by these erroneous decisions. The evidence in the public domain of Clinton's espionage and bribery is more than enough to be presented to a grand jury. The same cannot be said about FBI involvemen­ts with the Steele dossier or the use of intelligen­ce data for political purposes, because we don't yet know who did it, so we need aggressive investigat­ion.

But none of this presents the type of conflict that exists when the president is a target, and none of this requires an independen­t counsel. All of this simply requires the DOJ to get to work.

That is, unless the lawyers in the leadership of this DOJ are fearful of investigat­ing their predecesso­rs for fear that their successors might investigat­e them. Whoever harbors those fears has no place in government.

Andrew Peter Napolitano is an American syndicated columnist whose work appears in numerous publicatio­ns, such as Fox News, The Washington Times, and Reason. He is a senior judicial analyst for Fox News, commenting on legal news and trials.

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Andrew Napolitano

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