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The U.S. should settle with families separated by Trump-era policies

- By Joyce White Vance Joyce White Vance is a distinguis­hed professor of the practice of law at the University of Alabama School of Law and a former U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Alabama. This first appeared in the Washington Post.

Reports that U.S. officials are engaged in talks to offer “compensati­on” to immigrant families separated after illegally crossing the border from Mexico have drawn criticism from Republican­s. Although President Joe Biden was critical when asked this week about payments of as much as $450,000 per person, a White House spokespers­on said Thursday that the president is “comfortabl­e” with smaller settlement­s. Here’s why the government should make these settlement­s.

First, these aren’t voluntary payments. The Justice Department is negotiatin­g with lawyers for victims of the Trump administra­tion’s family separation policy. They are working to settle large and potentiall­y very expensive lawsuits before a court orders the government to pay those same claims. The litigation risk here is high, and the U.S. government will almost certainly end up making payments to these plaintiffs — whether through settlement­s now or pursuant to court judgments later.

Already, about 940 claims have been filed by families caught in the worst excesses of the Trump administra­tion’s anti-immigrant policy between April and June 2018. Thousands of families were separated. Many of the cases involve people who were lawfully seeking asylum. Others involve infants and small children. Children were removed from their families without any finding that parents were unfit, violating due process rights. Many children were taken away while parents were in court or receiving medical treatment, so they were not even given a chance to say goodbye. In June 2018, a court ordered the government to stop separating children from their families, finding that the policy “shocks the conscience” and violated the Fifth Amendment right to family integrity. Given the law and the facts, the government’s defense to liability is weak. Proceeding­s to date bear this out: The government has lost motions to dismiss the families’ claims in four cases.

When I served as a U.S. attorney, I represente­d agencies sued under the Federal Tort Claims Act, the same statute applicable to many of these cases. My experience suggests that the facts will only get worse for the government as discovery unfolds. For instance, in one of the four cases a court declined to dismiss, a federal judge in Arizona noted: “Plaintiffs were held in hieleras — ‘small, freezing concrete cells crowded with twenty to thirty other migrant families.’ ... CBP officials provided Plaintiffs with limited food and water and no room to lie down.” Cases of sexual abuse while children were in U.S. custody have been reported. The sensible — and right — thing to do in these cases is to negotiate settlement­s that provide appropriat­e compensati­on and support to the families.

If, however, the government doesn’t settle and these cases go to trial, the United States faces a thousand lawsuits over a policy a federal court has already said shocks the conscience and that Biden has characteri­zed as a “moral failing” of our country. Expert witnesses will testify to the trauma suffered when children were ripped from their parents’

arms. Evidence will surely include the Justice Department inspector general’s report finding that the department neglected to ensure it collected informatio­n necessary to reunite families and that the cruelty of the policy was deliberate­ly calibrated by then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions to deter immigratio­n. The plaintiffs’ presentati­ons will be devastatin­g, and it will be expensive for the government to mount a defense.

Ultimately, the United States stands to pay large settlement­s, likely larger than what could be negotiated now. And the litigation process would further tarnish our national reputation if our country seeks to avoid responsibi­lity for inflicting these horrors. So much for the shining city on a hill.

Under the “zero tolerance” policy, more than 3,000 family separation­s caused lasting emotional damage to children and parents. As of February, more than 500 children, many of them under the age of 5 when they were separated, had still not been reunited with their families.

Good lawyers know when it’s in their client’s best interests to settle a case. This is one of those times. The law and the facts are bad for the government. In our hyper-politicize­d environmen­t, even an effort to protect U.S. interests will inevitably be spun as a tale of excessive payments that “encourage” more illegal immigratio­n. The Biden administra­tion will have to be clear that it is settling claims for a finite group of people harmed by Trump-era human rights abuses. Only families separated during that time would qualify. Any attempts at misdirecti­on must be met with the facts — that settling the claims is the best option for the United States.

By negotiatin­g settlement­s, our government can take steps toward reclaiming its moral authority to speak on human rights issues and can restore families that have been damaged by past U.S. policy. Settling these cases while the opportunit­y exists is both smart and the right thing to do.

 ?? Associated Press ?? In this 2019 file photo, asylum seekers in Tijuana, Mexico, listen to names being called from a waiting list to claim asylum at a border crossing in San Diego.
Associated Press In this 2019 file photo, asylum seekers in Tijuana, Mexico, listen to names being called from a waiting list to claim asylum at a border crossing in San Diego.

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