Hamilton Journal News

Amendment approval big win for the House Speaker

- Thomas Suddes My Opinion

There are circles inside of circles at the Statehouse as the Republican-run Ohio House of Representa­tives demonstrat­ed in a May 10 rollcall on an antiaborti­on constituti­onal amendment.

With 60 votes required, representa­tives voted 62-37 (62 Republican­s vs. 32 Democrats and five Republican­s)

to ask voters in August to make it harder to amend the Ohio Constituti­on at the ballot box.

But unofficial­ly, and way below the surface, the vote reinforced House Speaker Jason Stephens, a Kitts Hill Republican, in a way that bears some explaining.

Aim of the ballot issue, Senate Joint Resolution 2: To require a “yes” vote of at least 60% of the voters (not current law’s 50% plus one vote) to OK a separate amendment to be proposed by voter petition — if it makes Nov. 7’s general election ballot — establishi­ng a woman’s right to choose abortion.

For 111 years, Ohio has required a statewide vote of 50% plus one to amend the state constituti­on. Reason for the proposed 60% change: The anti-abortion movement, which owns Statehouse Republican­s lock, stock and barrel, knows that when voters in other states have passed pro-abortion amendments, the “yes” percentage has usually been less than 60%.

That is, a 60% rule in Ohio — if voters approve it in a special, pricey Aug. 8 election — might block an abortion-rights measure, if such a measure makes November’s ballot, even if 59.99% of the voters favor it. That’s “democracy,”

Ohio-style. But arguably something else was happening subsurface in the House that day — something bolstering Republican Speaker Stephens.

On Jan. 3, bystanders will recall, Stephens, because of a split in the House GOP caucus, was elected speaker only because the House’s 32 Democrats joined 22 House Republican­s to vote for Stephens rather than Rep. Derek Merrin, a suburban Toledo Republican backed by the hard right.

But on May 10, while all House Democrats voted against SJR 2 as did five Republican­s — thus, in effect, against Stephens — the 62 other members of the House GOP caucus (including Stephens himself ) voted with Stephens.

And while that hardly suggests all is forgiven inside the GOP caucus, it certainly left Stephens in a stronger position.

Stephens’ passage of the anti-abortion amendment also matters because of what looks like legislativ­e competitio­n from a fellow Republican, Senate President Matt Huffman, of Lima.

Huffman is term-limited out of the Senate in 18 months, but he says he wants to run again for the House (hence the speakershi­p) in 2024 and 2026.

For the rank-and-file Ohioan, this may seem like just another day at the Big Frat House on Capitol Square. But with a new governor being elected in 2026, and the everchurne­d by term-limits, the interplay between Huffman and Stephens will be a key factor in this year’s state budget debate — and in the policy debates to come. The Ohio of 2025 and 2026 is being fashioned today.

Thomas Suddes is a former legislativ­e reporter with The Plain Dealer in Cleveland and writes from Ohio University. You can reach him at tsuddes@gmail.com.

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