Hamilton Journal News

Could the bill work?

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about how she expects her proposal to be received. “I’m sure you’ve seen what other people have said in the media prior to this. I hope to gain and garner more support as people begin to understand that it does not negate the people’s voice, that it simply places the implementa­tion of Issue 1 through the legislatur­e and that my colleagues would join me in this, but that of course is an individual decision which is up to them.”

Lawyers and constituti­onal scholars told this news organizati­on that, even if the bill were to become law, it would have another uphill battle to fight in the courts.

“I would find it inconceiva­ble that the courts would uphold legislatio­n like this,” said Steven H. Steinglass, dean emeritus and professor emeritus at the Cleveland State University College of Law, in an interview with this news organizati­on. He called H.B. 371 a “remarkable exercise in political theater.”

“I find it amazing that one small piece of legislatio­n could, at the same time, violate so many well-establishe­d principles of Ohio constituti­onal law,” Steinglass said.

He said the proposal violates the longstandi­ng principle of judicial review in Ohio; interferes with the original jurisdicti­on of the Ohio Supreme Court, which he said “could neither be expanded nor subtracted by the Ohio General Assembly,” along with the original jurisdicti­on of the state’s appellate courts; violates the doctrine of separation of powers in Ohio; and violates the state’s due process of law, required by the Ohio constituti­on, by denying a party the authority to raise claims under the Ohio Constituti­on.

“There is no historical, legal, doctrinal or other basis for giving the power to construe Ohio law, including the Ohio Constituti­on, to the general assembly,” Steinglass concluded.

But not all legal scholars agree.

Marc Clauson, professor of history and law at Cedarville University and a constituti­onal scholar, told this news organizati­on that it’s been “difficult” for him to figure out if the bill could survive judicial review. He said if H.B. 371 became law, it would raise the question of whether the legislatur­e has the remit to pointedly revoke longstandi­ng jurisdicti­on.

For Clauson, certain phrases in the Ohio Constituti­on’s provisions on jurisdicti­on do open the window for legislativ­e interventi­on, “but we’re not sure exactly how far they go in doing that.”

For example, when the Ohio Constituti­on gives Ohio’s courts of common pleas jurisdicti­on over a broad range of matters, it adds that the jurisdicti­on

“may be provided by law.” Gross and Dean are hoping the courts would interpret that clause to give the legislatur­e the absolute power to block the courts’ ability to hear certain cases.

But Steinglass said that language, and similar phrases throughout the constituti­on pertaining to the courts, has historical­ly been interprete­d to give the legislatur­e power to allocate cases amongst different divisions of the court, not do away with the jurisdicti­on entirely. He added that there’s “nothing within the language ... that gives them the right to adopt a subject matter exception to the jurisdicti­on of the courts.”

Jessie Hill, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University and an attorney that frequently works with the American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio to challenge the state’s abortion restrictio­ns, told this news organizati­on that the proposal would likely be ruled unconstitu­tional.

“One problem is just that the legislatur­e doesn’t get to take all power away from the courts, for example, then they could say courts have no jurisdicti­on over anything, right? That can’t be what it means and no one has really thought it meant that,” Hill said.

She added that H.B. 371 itself conflicts with Issue 1, which has been a part of the state’s fundamenta­l law since Dec. 7.

“The one thing that’s clear is that the Constituti­on is supreme over regular laws,” Hill said.

Judicial experts will be watching the debate over H.B. 371 closely.

“A legislatur­e trying to prevent the judicial branch from interpreti­ng a constituti­onal amendment. I’ve never heard or read of that before,” Clauson said. “It would be breaking new legal ground”

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