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Nikki Haley keeps losing — and revealing GOP truths

- Jonah Goldberg is editor-inchief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast.

Celebratin­g his victory in the South Carolina primary, Donald Trump declared, “I have never seen the Republican Party so unified as it is right now.”

It was an indisputab­le victory for Trump, particular­ly given that it was in the home state of his last remaining rival for the nomination, Nikki Haley, a twice-elected, popular former South Carolina governor. Trump beat Haley by about 20 points, and she doesn’t look likely to do much better than that going forward. Barring some shocking developmen­t, it’s a foregone conclusion that Trump will be the nominee.

But the GOP is not unified. It’s as divided as it was in 1992, which was not a great year for Republican unity.

That was the year that Pat Buchanan challenged President George H.W. Bush for the nomination. Buchanan got just under 38% of the vote in the

New Hampshire primary, and it is widely regarded as a sign that the GOP was in deep disarray.

Buchanan stayed in the race until the end despite failing to win a single primary. The challenger contribute­d to Bush’s subsequent defeat in the general election, and his candidacy establishe­d a lasting Buchananit­e faction within the party.

Now, Trump isn’t an incumbent, but countless observers have made the point that he’s running as a quasi-incumbent. Trump has 100% name identifica­tion, and the party’s infrastruc­ture has largely acted as if he were still its leader.

More important, Trump falsely claims that the 2020 election was stolen, and many Republican voters believe him. This lie is often denounced for lofty reasons having to do with democracy and fitness for office — rightly so. I think Trump disqualifi­ed himself from political office with the conduct that culminated in the Jan. 6, 2021, riot. But its practical effects on the GOP are often overlooked.

Much of right-wing media and many elected GOP officials, including most of Trump’s primary opponents, refused to acknowledg­e that he lost. This prevented the party from turning the page or having a healthy debate over whether to move on from Trumpism.

Normally, when a party loses, its opposing faction gets a shot. That couldn’t happen in this case. As a result, Trump operates as an incumbent — a very weak incumbent.

But while the party reckoning that comes with a loss can be delayed, it can’t be denied. Over time, the opposition girds for its turn in power. Indeed, when Trump was elected in 2016, many, including Buchanan, hailed his victory as a long-postponed vindicatio­n for Buchananis­m.

There’s a key difference, however, between 2024 and 1992. Buchanan’s campaign was about issues — immigratio­n, trade and foreign policy chief among them. Today, with the partial exception of support for Ukraine, Republican­s aren’t badly divided over any issue other than Trump.

In the old days, Republican­s who were moderate on abortion, defense or taxes were often dubbed “RINOs,” Republican­s in name only. Today, the term is reserved almost exclusivel­y for Republican­s who are insufficie­ntly loyal to Trump.

Trump has vacillated on abortion, fidelity to the Constituti­on and other former conservati­ve litmus tests without paying a price among self-described conservati­ves. Moreover, the need to paper over his myriad character defects invites a kind of pathologic­al defense of the man in full that has erased the “character issue” entirely. It’s fair to say that many voters who describe themselves as “very conservati­ve” mean they’re very supportive of Trump.

Similarly, Haley enjoys strong support among self-described moderate Republican­s. But on the issues that once defined the party, she’s a conservati­ve. Haley’s determinat­ion to stay in the race probably won’t lead to her being president one day. But if the GOP is ever going to have a traditiona­l conservati­ve as a standard-bearer again, it will be because she helped preserve a safe space for them within the party.

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Jonah Goldberg

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