Hartford Courant (Sunday)

FREE SPEECH AND GUNS DON’T MIX

Case before Supreme Court has implicatio­ns for how safe we feel to speak out

- By David Cole and Donna Lieberman David Cole is national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union. Donna Lieberman is executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union. The two organizati­ons filed an amicus brief in the Supreme Court su

Last week, as a Wisconsin court began a trial involving a protest of police abuse that turned deadly when Kyle Rittenhous­e opened fire on protesters, the Supreme Court considered whether the Second Amendment bars states from limiting the carrying of guns in public. The right asserted in New York State Rifle and Gun Associatio­n v. Bruen is the right to bear arms, but the case’s resolution will have major repercussi­ons for First Amendment rights as well.

A healthy democracy depends on robust public debate. That’s why the First Amendment guarantees people the right to assemble, associate and speak out, even when their messages may be upsetting or controvers­ial. Self-government, as Justice Antonin Scalia wrote, sometimes requires people to endure “harsh criticism” and requires “civic courage, without which democracy is doomed.” But if the Second Amendment guaranteed everyone the right to carry guns in public, people would have to worry that the response to their speech might be not more speech but deadly force.

Many people would reasonably decide that the only safe thing to do in such situations is to keep quiet. So recognizin­g unrestrain­ed Second Amendment rights would compromise First Amendment freedoms. That’s why we think states should have the discretion to limit the carrying of guns to promote the safety of the public square and facilitate the freedoms of assembly and speech exercised there. New York did precisely that, limiting the right to carry guns for self-defense to those who can show a specific need.

This is not an abstract issue. An analysis of more than 30,000 public demonstrat­ions in the U.S. between January 2020 and June 2021 found that protests in which people are armed are more than six times as likely to erupt in violence or property destructio­n as unarmed demonstrat­ions. Studies conducted by the Harvard Injury Control

Research Center also show that the presence of guns can escalate arguments into incidents of intimidati­on and violence and that more guns in a community make people feel less safe.

That’s one reason why authoritie­s have long restricted the public carrying of guns; indeed, the practice dates back centuries under English law. Such laws were commonplac­e in this country at the time of the Second Amendment’s adoption, and there’s no evidence that those who wrote and ratified the Second Amendment meant to upend the practice.

Laws like New York’s have been adopted at various times in states as diverse as California, Wisconsin, Maine, Michigan, Virginia, Minnesota, Oregon, Pennsylvan­ia, Texas, West Virginia, Arizona and Idaho. Even in the days of the Wild West, Dodge City, Kansas, and Tombstone, Arizona, imposed strict prohibitio­ns on the carrying of weapons in town.

Texas’ history is emblematic. In the aftermath of the Civil War, gun violence, often directed against Black people and Republican­s, prompted the state Legislatur­e in 1871 to impose a total ban on concealed carry and to permit open carry of pistols only by those with “reasonable grounds” for fearing an “immediate and pressing” attack on their person. The ban remained in place for more than a century. Texas courts repeatedly upheld its constituti­onality. Texas began to grant concealed handgun licenses only in 1996.

The Second Amendment, in short, like most rights, is not absolute.

Those challengin­g New York’s law in the Supreme Court, however, argue that the Second Amendment presumptiv­ely requires states to issue concealed carry licenses to virtually anyone who wants one. But accepting that argument disregards our country’s long-standing tradition of regulating guns in public and does so at a time when the political atmosphere is especially combustibl­e.

The events in Wisconsin that led to the trial of Kyle Rittenhous­e on homicide charges in the shooting deaths of two protesters and the wounding of a third at a Black Lives Matter protest are not an isolated incident. Over the past few years, many political protests escalated into intimidati­on or violence because people were carrying guns. In Michigan, the legislativ­e session was shut down after heavily armed anti-lockdown protesters entered the state Capitol building, prompting some lawmakers to don bulletproo­f vests. In Oregon, gun-toting anti-lockdown protesters fought their way into the Capitol and attacked officers with bear spray.

Some states allow widespread carrying of guns in public. That is their choice. But others, like

New York, have chosen to protect the safety of the public square by limiting the presence of guns there. And that should be their choice as well.

New York should not be foreclosed from seeking to foster public peace and a robust civic life by limiting concealed carry to those who demonstrat­e a specific need. States should be free to adopt reasonable regulation­s of Second Amendment rights in the name of promoting free speech.

 ?? JOSE LUIS MAGANA/AP ?? Former congresswo­man and gun violence survivor Gabby Giffords, D-Ariz., speaks during a rally outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington on Wednesday. The Supreme Court began hearing arguments in a gun rights case that centers on New York’s restrictiv­e gun permit law and whether limits the state has placed on carrying a gun in public violate the Second Amendment.
JOSE LUIS MAGANA/AP Former congresswo­man and gun violence survivor Gabby Giffords, D-Ariz., speaks during a rally outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington on Wednesday. The Supreme Court began hearing arguments in a gun rights case that centers on New York’s restrictiv­e gun permit law and whether limits the state has placed on carrying a gun in public violate the Second Amendment.

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