Houston Chronicle Sunday

Why boycotting Facebook is a bad idea

- By Jeremy C. Young

For many citizens, the news that Cambridge Analytica obtained millions of Americans’ Facebook data and used it to help elect Donald Trump comes as no surprise. They see it as proof of what they already believe: that Facebook is an evil mega-corporatio­n determined to exploit our personal informatio­n for profit.

For many people, too, the solution to Facebook’s behavior is simple. As soon as the story broke, #DeleteFace­book began trending on Twitter (ironically, a service that has itself come under attack for questionab­le behavior), and since then thousands of people have deleted their accounts on the world’s most popular social media platform. Many who have abandoned Facebook are worried about the potential misuse of their data — certainly a reasonable concern. But for others, leaving Facebook is mainly an attempt to harm the company by boycotting its services or to make a statement that its behavior is unacceptab­le.

Despite Facebook’s many transgress­ions over the years, a boycott isn’t the solution. Facebook has more than 2 billion users worldwide, so even a million people leaving the service would hardly make a dent in its profit margin.

More importantl­y, Facebook and other social media companies have played a critical role in solving one of the key problems of contempora­ry society: the enforced separation from friends and loved ones that our mobility-based economy requires. Unfortunat­ely, each of us needs Facebook more than Facebook needs us. If we delete Facebook, Mark Zuckerberg won’t suffer, but our relationsh­ips probably will.

So what should we do? The history of the communicat­ions industry, which has long been dominated by ruthless corporatio­ns, reveals that government regulation of Facebook and other social media companies can help protect our interests as consumers while preserving our online access to the people we value.

In a capitalist society built on a competitiv­e freemarket economy, the communicat­ions industry poses a unique problem. Because communicat­ions networks are effective only if everyone uses the same service (or at least interconne­cted providers), truly free competitio­n is impossible — which often leads to the rise of monopolies, unbounded by the needs of consumers or the laws of the market.

For this reason, the communicat­ions business has always represente­d corporate capitalism at its most rapacious. In the mid-19th century, private postal delivery companies such as Russell, Majors and Waddell; Butterfiel­d Stage; and Wells Fargo fought bitterly over mail delivery routes in the American West. In the 1870s, Ezra Cornell and prototypic­al “robber baron” Jay Gould duked it out for control of Western Union and the nation’s

telegraph system. The American Telephone & Telegraph Corp., known as “Ma Bell,” muscled rivals out of telecommun­ications and created a monopoly that endured for over a century.

Similarly, the high-tech economy of Silicon Valley has been dominated from the beginning by monopolist­ic corporatio­ns. During the infamous “browser wars” of the 1990s, Microsoft systematic­ally destroyed the Netscape browser by restrictin­g Netscape’s access to Windows-based operating systems. Apple, once the sympatheti­c victim of Microsoft’s business practices, now draws criticism over the working conditions of its employees in China. Even Google, whose motto “Don’t be evil” attempts to set it apart from Silicon Valley’s wretched reputation, had to pay a $2.7 billion fine last year after European Union regulators determined it had violated antitrust laws.

Just as the Cambridge Analytica scandal has put Facebook users’ private informatio­n at risk, these corporate maneuvers of the past often had bad consequenc­es for consumers.

Given this history, Facebook’s actions sadly aren’t that surprising. But we shouldn’t leave Facebook because of Zuckerberg’s shady dealings any more than earlier generation­s ripped out their phone lines over AT&T’s violations of the Sherman Antitrust Act or stopped sending mail to protest Wells Fargo’s quest for an overland stage monopoly. Unlike companies in many other industries (healthcare providers are a major exception), communicat­ions providers offer a necessary service that can’t be easily replaced. Rather than selling luxuries, they deal in human connection, the ability to build and maintain relationsh­ips with people outside our immediate surroundin­gs.

Previous generation­srecognize­d that it was selfdefeat­ing to boycott communicat­ions companies over bad behavior. Instead, they relied on federal regulators to protect consumers’ access to communicat­ions networks.

The U.S. Postal Service’s contracts with overland stage companies came with strings attached: The government dictated the routes stagecoach­es could travel and required drivers to honor scheduled delivery times. In exchange for government acceptance of its monopoly in 1913, AT&T signed the Kingsbury Commitment, which spun off some of its corporate holdings and guaranteed other phone providers access to its phone lines. In fact, when Ma Bell violated parts of the agreement in the early 1980s, the Justice Department broke it up into seven competing companies.

Similarly, a 2001 government antitrust lawsuit against Microsoft forced the company to relinquish its browser monopoly, paving the way for competing products such as Chrome and Firefox. For over a decade, the Federal Communicat­ions Commission successful­ly prevented internet service providers from restrictin­g download speeds of sites that refused to pay them a premium until new commission­ers reversed the decision last year.

Until someone invents teleportat­ion, our disconnect­ion from those we care about will remain one of the central challenges of American life. By boycotting the service that comes closest to solving that problem, we only make things worse for ourselves. Instead, we should push for increased government oversight of the communicat­ions platforms that nourish and sustain our relationsh­ips. Young is an assistant professor of history at Dixie State University and the author of “The Age of Charisma: Leaders, Followers, and Emotions in American Society, 1870-1940.”

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