Houston Chronicle

Strategic reserve needs update, not a reduction

- By Ernest Moniz Moniz, the 13th U.S. secretary of energy, is the founder of the Energy Futures Initiative, a nonprofit dedicated to promoting energy innovation.

In late 2015, the Congress found that the Strategic Petroleum Reserve was, “one of the nation’s most valuable energy security assets.” Why would the Trump Administra­tion conclude, just a little over a year later, that the SPR is not so valuable after all?

The rationale for the administra­tion’s current budget recommenda­tion — selling off more than half of the SPR’s current inventory, shutting down two of four storage sites in Texas and Louisiana, and eliminatin­g the Northeast Gasoline Reserve — was supported by Energy Secretary Rick Perry in congressio­nal testimony last month.

That rationale, however — that we are producing a lot more domestic oil so we can close SPR sites — appears to be grounded in a view of oil markets in 1973. The SPR — its value to domestic and global energy security, U.S. consumers and our economy — needs to be viewed instead through the lens of the dramatic changes that have taken place in the last 40 years.

First, while it’s true that domestic oil production has substantia­lly increased, key oil data then were not dramatical­ly different than now. In 1973, daily crude and oil product net imports were about 6 million barrels and in 2016 they were about 5 million; consumptio­n back then was 17 million barrels per day and today, it is about 19 million (for a population that has grown by 50 percent).

Second, there was no global oil market 40 years ago. The WTI futures contract had been introduced just a few years earlier, and federal price controls discourage­d surplus domestic production capacity. These market features virtually ensured that the OPEC oil embargo of 1973-74 would have an outsized impact on U.S. oil — and gasoline — prices. Today, oil prices are deregulate­d, and spot cargoes move around the globe. Futures contracts, options and swaps help manage risk, establish links between markets and physical product, and provide flexibilit­y for buyers and sellers. These features and instrument­s lessen the risks of physical disruption­s and provide industry and consumers with enormous benefits.

Third, our crude oil and product imports and exports link us to global oil markets. Even with no net imports, when global prices spike, ours will, too. World GDP growth fell from 4 percent to 2 percent after prices spiked in 1999-2000. On the flip side, using the SPR provides benefits to the U.S. economy. After an announced swap of 30 million barrels of SPR oil in 2000 when spare capacity was tight and heating oil inventorie­s were low, oil prices immediatel­y dropped by more than 20 percent. A Department of Energy Report estimated that maintainin­g and modernizin­g the SPR to meet current statutory requiremen­ts would yield consumer and economic benefits of over $300 billion to the U.S. through 2040.

Fourth, much of the increase in U.S. unconventi­onal oil production is occurring in unconventi­onal locations such as North Dakota. This has reversed traditiona­l pipeline flows; crude oil is now moving from north to south into the Gulf of Mexico where the SPR’s storage and distributi­on systems and 60 percent of the nation’s refining capacity are located. The result is a congested system in which SPR oil released in an emergency could be displacing commercial oil volumes, not providing much-needed incrementa­l oil to the marketplac­e. Infrastruc­ture upgrades are called for.

Finally, reserves in the ground can’t provide us oil we need in an emergency disruption — increased domestic production does not equate to emergency surge capacity.

Also, oil production in the U.S. is in the hands of the private sector. Industry rightly cares about production schedules, contracts and making money (which it does when prices spike), not about maintainin­g expensive surplus capacity for emergency disruption­s; this is — and appropriat­ely so — the role of the federal government and the SPR.

The law establishi­ng the SPR was passed in 1975, a policy response focused largely on physical disruption­s.

The law, however, included an important — and prescient — role for the SPR, relevant to today’s marketplac­e: preventing significan­t harm to the U.S. economy from oil disruption­s.

The SPR plays a key role in the internatio­nal response during an emergency, as the U.S. is obligated to meet over 40 percent of the total global release of strategic stocks.

Rapidly putting large volumes of oil from the SPR onto the water and into global markets mitigates the harmful impacts of price spikes on the global economy.

Congress recognized as much when, in 2015, it authorized $2 billion to expand and modernize the SPR’s distributi­on system and build new terminals. Robust modernizat­ion would create thousands of jobs; anemic modernizat­ion of only two sites, while shutting down the other two, would reduce them.

After four mandated oil sales from the SPR — one for its own modernizat­ion, another for budget balancing and two for funding unrelated programs — enough is enough.

We should support the view of Congress that the SPR is one of our most valuable security assets. In today’s world of changed markets, unrest, and collective energy security responsibi­lities, we should be modernizin­g the SPR, not selling it off.

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