Houston Chronicle

U.S. citizens forced to fight deportatio­n

Hundreds targeted each year despite documents, claims, court data show

- By Lise Olsen

Emilio Blas Olivo, a 69-year-old Texan born in Weslaco, ended up in a deportatio­n cell for three months after he returned home from a visit with relatives in Reynosa in the summer of 2014.

He presented both his birth certificat­e and a Social Security card to U.S. border officers but was detained anyway and then deported to Mexico.

In a lawsuit filed this year in the Southern District of Texas, Olivo claims immigratio­n authoritie­s lacked the right to arrest him and violated his rights by failing to give him due process after he repeatedly told them he was an American. Olivo is not alone. In the past six years, at least 1,714 other people were targeted for deportatio­n by U.S. immigratio­n

“There’s no due process and no hearing to address whether they had a real claim to citizenshi­p or not.”

Eric Puente, attorney

agents despite the fact they presented paperwork, testimony or some other claim of U.S. citizenshi­p to an immigratio­n judge, according to new data on immigratio­n cases that the U.S. government was forced to release through litigation.

More than a third eventually won their freedom. But few had attorneys to help — since detained immigrants have no rights to appointed counsel, unlike criminal defendants.

Hundreds of those who eventually were freed spent months locked inside Immigratio­n and Customs Enforcemen­t detention centers, according to immigratio­n court data on cases closed from January 2011 to June 2017.

The records were provided to the Houston Chronicle by the Deportatio­n Research Clinic at Northweste­rn University, which obtained the data from the U.S. Department of Justice’s Executive Office for Immigratio­n Review through a long court battle.

Jackie Stevens, a Northwest University professor who runs the deportatio­n clinic, has assisted lawyers researchin­g the cases of more than 150 people with citizenshi­p or citizenshi­p claims who were forced to fight deportatio­n in Texas and other states — including Lorenzo Palma, who was released from detention last year by a Houstonbas­ed immigratio­n judge based on evidence Stevens helped gather about Palma’s U.S.-born grandfathe­r.

Stevens said she believes that even more American citizens will be wrongfully arrested as the pace of detentions and deportatio­ns continues to increase under policies approved by President Donald Trump.

In an interview, Stevens said she believes the new immigratio­n court data undercount­s citizenshi­p claims and represents a small sample of a much bigger problem.

Nationwide, Stevens has published estimates that as many as 3,000 to 4,000 of people with citizenshi­p claims have been wrongfully targeted in U.S. deportatio­n dragnets each year or about one percent of all deportatio­ns.

An EOIR spokesman did not immediatel­y respond to questions about citizenshi­p claims or about the accuracy of codes used in the immigratio­n court database.

Complex process

Houston immigratio­n judges alone reported evaluating more than 60 cases involving citizenshi­p since 2011. In most cases the legal burden fell on the person locked away and facing deportatio­n to prove citizenshi­p — a task that can require tracking down decades-old birth certificat­es or naturaliza­tion certificat­es relating to the detainee or his or her parents or grandparen­ts.

The process of proving citizenshi­p can be complex since a foreign-born baby can inherit U.S. citizenshi­p though a citizen mother or father — as is the case with U.S. Sens. John McCain, R-Arizona, and Ted Cruz, R-Texas. A minor child whose parents naturalize also earns citizenshi­p status. But specific requiremen­ts can vary depending on a person’s birth year, parents’ marital status and other factors.

In a 2011 law review, Stevens first attracted national attention by publishing an estimate that 20,000 people with citizenshi­p claims had been wrongfully detained or deported between 2003 and 2010 under what she described as flawed U.S. immigratio­n enforcemen­t policies and procedures.

“But the deportatio­n laws and regulation­s in place since the late 1980s have been mandating detention and deportatio­n for hundreds of thousands of incarcerat­ed people each year without attorneys or, in many cases, administra­tive hearings,” she wrote in the 2011 law review article. “It would be truly shocking if this did not result in the deportatio­n of U.S. citizens.”

Pending civil lawsuit

The newly released data, gleaned from U.S. immigratio­n court records nationwide, confirms that hundreds of people with valid U.S. citizenshi­p or citizenshi­p claims are regularly arrested and detained each year before being hauled before an immigratio­n judge. But that court database excludes people whose citizenshi­p claims went unrecorded by court officials or who were held under ICE detainers in local jails or who were swiftly deported without ever seeing an immigratio­n judge at all.

Ricardo Garza, a naturalize­d U.S. citizen, is part of a group of about three dozen immigrants who have sued Dallas County in civil rights lawsuits in the Northern District of Texas claiming that Immigratio­n and Customs Enforcemen­t’s detainer policies and procedures also violated constituti­onal due process rights. In Garza’s case, attorneys allege Dallas County officials refused to allow him to post bond on a driving-while-intoxicate­d charge because he told a jailer that he was a naturalize­d U.S. citizen but had been born in Mexico.

Garza was then held a full month longer on an ICE hold despite having proof of citizenshi­p, said Garza’s attorney, Eric Puente.

Garza’s pending civil lawsuit claims he was denied due process both by Dallas County and by ICE — though in his case his citizenshi­p issue could have been easily settled through a check of ICE’s own databases. Garza, it turned out, had already gone to immigratio­n court back in 1999 and had obtained confirmati­on of his citizenshi­p from a judge around the time his mother became a naturalize­d citizen, Puente said.

It took time for Garza himself to obtain proof because ICE databases are readily available to immigratio­n agents but not to the public or even to attorneys assisting people with deportatio­n cases.

Puente said he subsequent­ly assisted two other wrongfully detained Texans who were denied bond under ICE holds after being arrested in Kaufman and Tarrant counties. In both cases, Puente said he was able to resolve the immigratio­n cases by using his knowledge of the law to track down proof of citizenshi­p — in each case derived by his clients through parents. But the process took weeks.

Puente said he filed the civil lawsuit because no mechanism exists to assist U.S. citizens like Garza who are wrongfully targeted for deportatio­n — and he suspects citizens often are mistakenly detained by immigratio­n agents in Texas, a state where so many people traditiona­lly have travelled back and forth across the border to work, to give birth and to visit family and where many citizens were born abroad and later become naturalize­d.

“There’s no due process and no hearing to address whether they had a real claim to citizenshi­p or not,” Puente said. “I can only imagine how many people get lost in the system and can never prove it, and that’s what I worry about.”

U.S. citizens are guaranteed the right to a court-appointed attorney under the constituti­on in any criminal proceeding. But immigrants with citizenshi­p claims detained by immigratio­n authoritie­s in the United States do not have the right to legal assistance, not even to fight the threat of imminent deportatio­n.

Some people with valid citizenshi­p rights have been deported anyway.

That’s what happened to Olivo Segura, the 69-yearold Texan. After U.S. border patrol agents wrongfully arrested him at the border in 2014, he was taken to an ICE detention center in Port Isabel where he was held for three months while government agents accused him of having another identity and of presenting someone else’s social security card and Texas birth certificat­e.

He was then deported to Mexico, where he spent five more months before finally being able to sort out the mess and make his way home, his pending civil lawsuit says. He lost eight months’ wages and his job as well as contact with family and is seeking compensati­on from the government.

No quick resolution

The newly released informatio­n on 1,714 citizenshi­p claim cases shows that only about two dozen people with citizenshi­p cases nationwide were resolved quickly.

One out of every six people with citizenshi­p cases spent more than six months behind bars either trying to obtain documentat­ion of their own births or naturaliza­tion, or waiting out a clunky, time-consuming court review of a more complex claim that revolved around a U.S. citizen parent or grandparen­t.

That process can require tracking down decades-old paperwork or affidavits from parents, grandparen­ts and others with intimate knowledge of family members’ naturaliza­tion ceremonies, family trees, births, weddings, divorces in the United States and abroad. Less than half of those with citizenshi­p claims received legal help, the same data show.

In the past, immigratio­n officials have taken steps to try to reduce the number of citizens who are detained by immigratio­n agents, in part by setting up a special 800 number to address cases.

But Stevens said immigratio­n court officials have failed to accurately track citizenshi­p cases that she brought to the attention of immigratio­n judges.

“I know from crosscheck­ing known cases of people who have successful­ly been proven to be citizens that the dataset is woefully incomplete,” she said.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States