Houston Chronicle

Ex-governor’s career helps explain why upcoming runoffs matter

- ERICA GRIEDER

Early voting began this week for Texas’ 2018 Republican and Democratic primary runoffs, which will be held May 22.

Most Texas voters won’t participat­e in either. And if you assume that Texas is still a safely red state, you might not see much reason to pay attention to this year’s runoffs. Several statewide officials were challenged in the Republican primary, held March 6, but none of them were defeated; in Harris County, for example, there are only a few lingering questions for Republican voters. However, you shouldn’t assume that Texas is still safely red. It isn’t. As we all know, Democrats haven’t won statewide office in Texas since 1994. That’s the longest winning streak in the country for Republican­s.

But one of those Republican­s was Rick Perry, who is arguably the most underrated politician in state history — and whose electoral record, in Texas, illustrate­s why this year’s primary runoffs are more consequent­ial than most. Through his absence. Perry benefited from Republican strength in Texas — but it was strength he helped create.

Perry, who now serves as secretary of energy, began his political career in 1984, when he was elected to the Texas House. He went on to become the state’s agricultur­e commission­er, then its lieutenant governor, then its governor — a position he held for 14 years before deciding to step down in 2014.

It was over the course of his career that Texas underwent its political transforma­tion, which was no mere coincidenc­e. In 1984, Democrats controlled the state government. The Speaker of the Texas House, Gib Lewis, was a Democrat. So were the lieutenant governor, Bill Hobby, and the governor, Mark White.

Three decades later, Texas had become a one-party Republican state, in which the

notion of Democrats winning statewide office strikes many observers on both sides of the aisle as a farcical suggestion, and probably an ideologica­lly motivated one. Lucky breaks

Oddly, observers rarely point to Perry as someone who may have played a role in this change. That’s perhaps because he was the beneficiar­y of a few lucky breaks along the way.

Perry became agricultur­e commission­er in 1990 by unseating the Democratic incumbent, Jim Hightower. That was considered an upset. But his re-election, in 1994, was not; he was an incumbent Republican running down-ballot from a well-regarded senator, Kay Bailey Hutchison, and an intriguing newcomer, George W. Bush.

And Bush, of course, went on to be elected president in 2000. So Perry, who was elected lieutenant governor in 1998, became governor without having campaigned for that office in the first place.

And Perry experience­d a few high-profile setbacks, over his years at the helm of the state. In 2006, for example, he was reelected with just 39 percent of the vote. In 2012, his bid for the Republican presidenti­al nomination ended in ignominiou­s defeat. Never lost

But during the course of all those years, Perry never actually lost an election in Texas, in the primary or the general. It’s impossible to explain away all of his victories, some of which were genuine upsets, or to dismiss them on the basis that he was a Republican, and Texas is a red state. Perry was a Democrat when he served in the Texas House. He didn’t become a Republican until he ran statewide, in 1990 — at which point Democrats still had the upper hand in Texas.

But Perry’s winning streak is longer than that of his adoptive party itself. In retrospect, he surely deserves some credit — or blame — for its subsequent success.

His successor, Greg Abbott, was elected in a landslide in 2014, as were all the Republican­s who ran statewide that year. But the 2014 gubernator­ial election was effectivel­y a referendum on Perry’s performanc­e as governor. This year’s will be a referendum on Abbott’s.

And so the 2018 primary runoffs are more consequent­ial than usual. Democratic voters have yet to settle on a gubernator­ial candidate. The choice is between Lupe Valdez, the former longtime sheriff of Dallas County, or the Houston-based businessma­n Andrew White. And whoever wins gets to run against the uninspirin­g Abbott, as opposed to Perry, a genuine powerhouse. History lesson

If you assume that Texas is a safely red state, it doesn’t matter which of them wins the nomination. But remember, the state seemed safely blue in 1990, when a little-known Democratic member of the state Legislatur­e decided to run, as a Republican, for agricultur­e commission­er.

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