Houston Chronicle

Trump tariffs fail to revitalize steel industry

- By Bani Sapra and Paul Wiseman

WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump’s move last year to tax imported steel triggered jeers but also cheers. Its goal — to raise steel prices — threatened to hurt the legions of U.S. manufactur­ers that depend on steel.

But at least it would benefit U.S. steel companies and the Americans who work for them. That was the idea, anyway.

Yet Trump’s 25 percent tariffs have done little for the people they were supposed to help. After enjoying a brief tariff-induced sugar high last year, American steelmaker­s are reeling. Steel prices and company earnings have sunk. Investors have dumped their stocks.

The industry has added just 1,800 jobs since February 2018, the month before the tariffs took effect. That’s a mere rounding error in a job market of 152 million and over a period when U.S. companies overall added nearly 4 million workers. Steelmaker­s employ 10,000 fewer people than they did five years ago.

“Even with these very high tariffs, the industry has not been able to take advantage,” said Christine McDaniel, a senior research fellow at Mercatus Center, an economic think tank at George Mason University.

Trump’s pledge to rejuvenate the steel industry had helped him win votes in the 2016 election in such key states as Ohio, Pennsylvan­ia and Wisconsin. His inability to deliver a boom for the industry raises doubts about how he’ll fare in those states in 2020. .

What’s caused steel prices to fall are factors ranging from lower demand — thanks to a weaker global economy — to the industry’s own rush to boost production after Trump’s tariffs took effect.

For the first few months after Trump’s tariffs took effect, steel prices did rise. The price of a metric ton of hot rolled band steel hit $1,006 in July 2018, according to the SteelBench­marker website, which tracks steel prices. Since then, it has plunged to $557 — lower than before the tariffs.

“Over time, (pricing has) come down, down, down, down, down,” said Mark Lash, president of United Steelworke­rs Local 1066 in Gary, Ind., which represents about 1,400 workers at U.S. Steel’s plant there.

Trump’s campaign against foreign steel has been overshadow­ed by his trade war with China over Beijing’s industrial policies, which are widely seen as predatory. But the steel tariffs came earlier and demonstrat­ed Trump’s willingnes­s to overturn seven decades of U.S. free-trade policies and aggressive­ly target imports.

By taxing imported steel, Trump risked raising costs for the many U.S. industries that use steel, straining ties with American allies and defying the limits of his authority to unilateral­ly punish trading partners.

But Trump was determined to revive heavy industries such as steel and protect them from what he termed unfair foreign competitio­n. He installed a veteran lawyer for the steel industry, Robert Lighthizer, as his top trade negotiator.

The impulse to protect steelmaker­s was in some ways odd. After all, the economic benefits of protecting steel are modest: The industry employs just 142,000 people. By comparison, Home Depot alone employs 400,000. And the newest steel plants are highly automated. They don’t need nearly as many workers as steelworks of the past did, so the potential job gains are limited.

Neverthele­ss, Trump’s trade team decided steel was worth fighting for. For decades, goodpaying steel jobs had lifted millions of blue-collar workers into the middle class.

One of them, Doug May, spent 43 years working at U.S. Steel’s Granite City plant in Illinois before retiring. Since the Great Recession, that plant has idled and restarted its furnaces at least twice. Despite the instabilit­y, May says the Granite City plant provided a solid job.

“You can really raise a family,” he said. “I sent three boys to college working there.”

Initially, steelworke­rs cheered the tariffs.

“Right after Trump made the announceme­nt, U.S. Steel announced that they’d be restarting one of the two furnaces they’d idled,” May said. “Everybody was pretty excited.”

Trump had unsheathed an unconventi­onal weapon. Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 gives the president broad authority to tax imports that his Commerce Department decrees a threat to national security. Section 232 tariffs are also hard to challenge at the World Trade Organizati­on. The WTO grants countries broad leeway to determine their national security interests.

The first sign of trouble showed up on the stock market. Shares of steelmaker­s had topped out on Wall Street in February 2018 before the tariffs hit. Since then, the NYSE Arca Steel Index has plunged 32 percent.

And the tariffs have so far done nothing to blunt China’s dominance. China accounts for 54 percent of world steel production. The United States, 5 percent. What went wrong? Growth is slowing in the United States and worldwide partly because Trump’s own tariffs have raised costs and escalated uncertaint­ies for businesses. Slower growth means less business for steel mills.

“Market demand right now is relatively soft,” said Charles Bradford, an independen­t steel analyst.

 ?? Associated Press file photo ?? Rolls of finished steel are seen at the U.S. Steel Granite City Works facility last year in Granite City, Ill.
Associated Press file photo Rolls of finished steel are seen at the U.S. Steel Granite City Works facility last year in Granite City, Ill.

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