Houston Chronicle

Report: Russia offered to pay Afghans to kill coalition troops

- By Charlie Savage, Eric Schmitt and Michael Schwirtz

WASHINGTON — American intelligen­ce officials have concluded that a Russian military intelligen­ce unit secretly offered bounties to Taliban-linked militants for killing coalition forces in Afghanista­n — including targeting American troops — amid the peace talks to end the long-running war there, according to officials briefed on the matter.

The United States concluded months ago that the Russian unit, which has been linked to assassinat­ion attempts and other covert operations in Europe intended to destabiliz­e the West or take revenge on turncoats, had covertly offered rewards for successful attacks last year.

Islamic militants, or armed criminal elements closely associated with them, are believed to have collected some bounty money, the officials said. Twenty Americans were killed in combat in Afghanista­n in 2019, but it wasn’t clear which killings were under suspicion.

The intelligen­ce finding was briefed to President Donald Trump, and the White House’s National Security Council discussed the problem at an interagenc­y meeting in late March, the officials said.

Officials developed a menu of potential options — starting with making a diplomatic complaint to Moscow and a demand that it stop, along with an escalating series of sanctions and other possible responses, but the White House hasn’t authorized a response, the officials said.

An operation to incentiviz­e the killing of American and other NATO troops would be a significan­t and provocativ­e escalation of what American and Afghan officials have said is Russian support for the Taliban, and it would be the first time the Russian spy unit was known to have orchestrat­ed attacks on Western troops.

Any involvemen­t with the Taliban that resulted in the deaths of American troops also would be a huge escalation of Russia’s so-called hybrid war against the United States, a strategy of destabiliz­ing adversarie­s through a combinatio­n of such tactics as cyberattac­ks, the spread of fake news and covert and deniable military operations.

The Kremlin hadn’t been made aware of the accusation­s, said Dmitry Peskov, press secretary for President Vladimir Putin of Russia.

“If someone makes them, we’ll respond,” Peskov said.

A Taliban spokesman did not respond to messages seeking comment.

Spokespeop­le at the National Security Council, the Pentagon, the State Department and the CIA declined to comment.

The officials familiar with the intelligen­ce didn’t explain the White House delay in deciding how to respond to the intelligen­ce about Russia.

While some of his closest advisers, like Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, have counseled more hawkish policies toward Russia, Trump has adopted an accommodat­ing stance toward Moscow.

At a summit in Helsinki in 2018, Trump strongly suggested that he believed Putin’s denial that the Kremlin interfered in the 2016 presidenti­al election, despite broad agreement within the U.S. intelligen­ce establishm­ent that it did.

Trump also criticized a bill imposing sanctions on Russia when he signed it into law after Congress passed it by veto-proof majorities. And he repeatedly has made statements that undermined the NATO alliance as a bulwark against Russian aggression in Europe.

The intelligen­ce assessment is said to be based at least in part on interrogat­ions of captured Afghan militants and criminals.

The officials didn’t describe the mechanics of the Russian operation, such as how targets were picked or how money changed hands. It’s also not clear whether Russian operatives had deployed inside Afghanista­n or met with their Taliban counterpar­ts elsewhere.

Both American and Afghan officials previously have accused Russia of providing small arms and other support to the Taliban that amounts to destabiliz­ing activity, although Russian government officials have dismissed such claims as “idle gossip” and baseless.

“We share some interests with Russia in Afghanista­n, and clearly they’re acting to undermine our interests as well,” Gen. John Nicholson, commander of American forces in Afghanista­n at the time, said in a 2018 interview with the BBC.

Though coalition troops suffered a spate of combat casualties last summer and early fall, only a few have since been killed. Four Americans were killed in combat in early 2020, but the Taliban haven’t attacked U.S. positions since a February agreement.

American troops also have sharply reduced their movement outside of military bases because of the coronaviru­s, cutting their exposure to attack.

While officials were said to be confident about the intelligen­ce that Russian operatives offered and paid bounties to Afghan militants for killing Americans, they have greater uncertaint­y about how high in the Russian government the covert operation was authorized and what its aim may be.

Some officials have theorized that the Russians may be seeking revenge on NATO forces for a 2018 battle in Syria in which the U.S. military killed several hundred pro-Syrian forces, including numerous Russian mercenarie­s, as they advanced on an American outpost.

Officials also have suggested that the Russians may have been trying to derail peace talks to keep the United States bogged down in Afghanista­n. But the motivation remains murky.

The officials briefed on the matter said the government had assessed the operation to be the handiwork of Unit 29155, an arm of Russia’s military intelligen­ce agency, known widely as the GRU.

The unit is linked to the March 2018 nerve agent poisoning in Salisbury, England, of Sergei Skripal, a former GRU officer who had worked for British intelligen­ce and then defected, and his daughter.

Western intelligen­ce officials say the unit, which has operated for more than a decade, has been charged by the Kremlin with carrying out a campaign to destabiliz­e the West through subversion, sabotage and assassinat­ion.

Besides the 2018 poisoning, the unit was behind an attempted coup in Montenegro in 2016 and the poisoning of an arms manufactur­er in Bulgaria a year earlier.

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