Houston Chronicle

Russia providing a safe haven for online criminals

- By Frank Bajak

BOSTON — A global epidemic of digital extortion known as ransomware is crippling local government­s, hospitals, school districts and businesses by scrambling their data files until they pay up. Law enforcemen­t has been largely powerless to stop it.

One big reason: Ransomware rackets are dominated by Russianspe­aking online criminals who are shielded — and sometimes employed — by Russian intelligen­ce agencies, according to security researcher­s, U.S. law enforcemen­t and now the Biden administra­tion.

On Thursday, as the U.S. slapped sanctions on Russia for malign activities including statebacke­d hacking, the Treasury Department said Russian intelligen­ce has enabled ransomware attacks by cultivatin­g and co-opting criminal hackers and giving them safe harbor. With ransomware damages now well into the tens of billions of dollars, former British intelligen­ce online chief Marcus Willett recently deemed the scourge “arguably more strategica­lly damaging than state cyberspyin­g.”

The value of Kremlin protection isn’t lost on the online criminals themselves. This year, a Russian-language dark web forum lit up with criticism of a ransomware purveyor known only as “Bugatti,” whose gang had been caught in a rare U.S.-Europol sting. The assembled posters accused him of inviting the crackdown with technical sloppiness and by recruiting non-Russian affiliates who might be snitches or undercover cops.

Worst of all, in the view of one long-active forum member, Bugatti had allowed Western authoritie­s to seize ransomware servers that could have been sheltered in Russia instead. “Mother Russia will help,” that individual wrote. “Love your country and nothing will happen to you.” The conversati­on was captured by the Advanced Intelligen­ce security company, which shared it with the Associated Press.

“Like almost any major industry in Russia, (online criminals) work kind of with the tacit consent and sometimes explicit consent of the security services,” said Michael van Landingham, a former CIA analyst who runs Active Measures LLC, a consultanc­y.

Russian authoritie­s have a simple rule, said Karen Kazaryan, CEO of the software industry-supported Internet Research Institute in Moscow: “Just don’t ever work against your country and businesses in this country. If you steal something from Americans, that’s fine.”

Unlike North Korea, there is no indication Russia’s government benefits directly from ransomware crime, although Russian President Vladimir Putin may consider the resulting havoc a strategic bonus.

In the U.S. alone last year, ransomware struck more than 100 federal, state and municipal agencies, upward of 500 hospitals and other health care centers, some 1,680 schools, colleges and universiti­es, and hundreds of businesses, according to Emsisoft, an online security company.

Damage in the public sector alone is measured in rerouted ambulances, postponed cancer treatments, interrupte­d municipal bill collection, canceled classes and rising insurance costs — all during the worst public health crisis in more than a century.

The idea behind these attacks is simple: Criminals infiltrate malicious data scrambling software into computer networks, use it to “kidnap” an organizati­on’s data files, then demand huge payments, now as high as $50 million, to restore them. The latest twist: If victims fail to pay up, the criminals may publish their unscramble­d data on the open internet.

In recent months, U.S. law enforcemen­t has worked with partners including Ukraine and Bulgaria to bust up these networks. But with the criminal mastermind­s out of reach, such operations are generally little more than whack-a-mole.

Collusion between criminals and the government is nothing new in Russia, said Adam Hickey, a U.S. deputy assistant attorney general, who noted that online crime can provide good cover for espionage.

In the 1990s, Russian intelligen­ce frequently recruited hackers for that purpose, Kazaryan said. Now, he said, ransomware criminals are just as likely to be moonlighti­ng state-employed hackers.

The Kremlin sometimes enlists arrested criminal hackers by offering them a choice between prison and working for the state, said Dmitri Alperovitc­h, former chief technical officer of online security company Crowdstrik­e. Sometimes the hackers use the same computer systems for statesanct­ioned hacking and off-theclock online crime for personal enrichment, he said. They may even mix state with personal business. That’s what happened in a 2014 hack of Yahoo that compromise­d more than 500 million user accounts, allegedly including those of Russian journalist­s and U.S. and Russian government officials. A U.S. investigat­ion led to the 2017 indictment of four men, including two officers of Russia’s FSB security service, a successor to the KGB. One of them, Dmitry Dokuchaev, worked in the same FSB office that cooperates with the FBI on computer crime. Another defendant, Alexsey Belan, allegedly used the hack for personal gain.

A Russian Embassy spokesman declined to address questions about his government’s alleged ties to ransomware criminals and state employees’ alleged involvemen­t in online crime. “We do not comment on any indictment­s or rumors,” said Anton Azizov, the deputy press attache in Washington.

Proving links between the Russian state and ransomware gangs is not easy. The criminals hide behind pseudonyms and periodical­ly change the names of their malware strains to confuse Western law enforcemen­t.

But at least one ransomware purveyor has been linked to the Kremlin. Maksim Yakubets, 33, is best known as co-leader of an online gang that cockily calls itself Evil Corp. The Ukraine-born Yakubets lives a flashy lifestyle: He drives a customized Lamborghin­i supercar with a personaliz­ed number plate that translates to ‘Thief,’ according to Britain’s National Crime Agency.

Yakubets started working for the FSB in 2017, tasked with projects including “acquiring confidenti­al documents through cyberenabl­ed means and conducting cyber-enabled operations on its behalf,” according to a December 2019 U.S. indictment. At the same time, the U.S. Treasury Department slapped sanctions on Yakubets and offered a $5 million reward for informatio­n leading to his capture. It said he was known to have been “in the process of obtaining a license to work with Russian classified informatio­n from the FSB.”

The indictment charged Evil Corp. with developing and distributi­ng ransomware used to steal at least $100 million in more than 40 countries over the previous decade, including payrolls pilfered from towns in the U.S. heartland.

By the time Yakubets was indicted, Evil Corp. had become a major ransomware player, security researcher­s say. By last May, the gang was distributi­ng a ransomware strain that was used to attack eight Fortune 500 companies, including GPS device-maker Garmin, whose network was offline for days after an attack, according to Advanced Intelligen­ce.

Yakubets remains at large. Another Russian currently imprisoned in France, however, might offer more insight into the dealings of online criminals and the Russian state. Alexander Vinnick was convicted of laundering $160 million in criminal proceeds through a cryptocurr­ency exchange called BTC-e. A 2017 U.S. indictment charged that “some of the largest known purveyors of ransomware” actually used it to launder $4 billion. But Vinnick can’t be extradited until he completes his five-year French prison sentence in 2024.

Still, a 2018 study by the nonpartisa­n think tank Third Way found the odds of successful­ly prosecutin­g authors of online attacks against U.S. targets — ransomware and online bank theft are the costliest — are no better than 3 in 1,000. Experts say those odds have gotten longer.

This week’s sanctions by the Biden administra­tion send a strong message but aren’t likely to deter Putin unless the financial sting hits closer to home, many analysts believe.

That might require the kind of massive multinatio­nal coordinati­on that followed the 9/11 terror attacks. For instance, allied countries could identify banking institutio­ns known to launder ransomware proceeds and cut them off from the global financial community.

“If you’re able to follow the money and disrupt the money and take the economic incentive out, that’ll go a long way in stopping ransomware attacks,” said John Riggi, online security adviser for the American Hospital Associatio­n and a former FBI official.

 ?? Giannis Papanikos / Associated Press ?? Russian Alexander Vinnick was convicted of laundering $160 million in criminal proceeds through a cryptocurr­ency exchange. He’s now imprisoned in France.
Giannis Papanikos / Associated Press Russian Alexander Vinnick was convicted of laundering $160 million in criminal proceeds through a cryptocurr­ency exchange. He’s now imprisoned in France.

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