Imperial Valley Press

The fight for immigrants — and their votes

- ARTURO BOJORQUEZ Arturo Bojorquez is Adelante Valle Editor.

The immigratio­n issue has been a decades-long problem that regardless of the measures implemente­d had not stopped the influx of newcomers, either legally or inappropri­ately. But the recent attack and defense of immigrants are not related to hope, compassion, employment theft or even based on race. It is merely about political gain from both sides of the aisle.

Many studies have shown Latinos, especially Mexicans, tend to lead their votes to the Democratic Party. In fact, Republican presidenti­al candidates had needed a small fraction of the Hispanic vote to move to Pennsylvan­ia Avenue in Washington, while their archrivals conquer the Latino vote.

For Democrats, the arrival of newcomers represent an addition of their base and an increase in their votes and all that comes with it — from more power to an augmented tide of campaign contributi­on funds. And the contrary occurs on the Republican side.

Let’s just take a look at the Census figures. About half a century ago, many states in the south and some other areas in the country reported zero Hispanic population. Little by little that has evolved with time, just as happened in California a century ago. Almost all states in the south and in the central states of the country witnessed a more than significan­t increase in their Hispanic population.

The US Census reported in all the following states that at least one of every 30 inhabitant­s is Latino. As of 2015, the states of Georgia, Kansas, Nebraska, North Carolina, Wyoming, Utah and Oklahoma reported at least a 9 percent population of Latinos.

In case you don’t remember all of these states have been Republican for decades. For example, Georgia and North Carolina are home to more Mexicans than New York, while the number of Mexicans living in Kansas or Vice-President Pence’s Indiana than in New Jersey.

A Census map of Hispanic population in American counties shows that the ones with the higher percentage­s are on the Eastern side of our nation. More surprising­ly, from 1990 and 2010, the Hispanic population increased between 7 and 10 times in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee.

As of today, the Latino vote in Republican or battlegrou­nd states are enough to decide the fate in elections for school boards, city councils and county supervisor­ial seats, but one day they will put state legislatur­e, congressio­nal and senate seats, as well as governorsh­ips in the hands of Democrats.

This is why I feel Republican­s are attempting to deter the immigrant flux with the DACA cancellati­on, the NAFTA negotiatio­n, the building of the border wall and trying to approve and enact the RAISE Act, a bill that would stop immigratio­n once and for all as aspiring immigrants would be forced to speak English, have masters degrees and bring over $1.3 million in investment­s to the country in order to receive their so-called “green cards.”

But conservati­ves must not forget the fate of the Republican Party in California after Prop. 187 — introduced by then-California Gov. Pete Wilson, a 1994 ballot initiative to establish a state-run citizenshi­p screening system and prohibit illegal aliens from using non-emergency health care, public education, and other services in the State of California — that was approved by voters but turned down in court. Although some changes were implemente­d after the propositio­n, conservati­ves paid a humongous price that has left them on the minority side for years in our state.

I wonder what Republican­s are willing to do in order to achieve their goal and what would Democrats do once they become the new majority in the nation?

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