Imperial Valley Press

How’s the March 3 primary working out?

- DAN WALTERS

The more or less official rationale offered by the state’s Democratic politician­s for moving our presidenti­al primary election to March 3 was that the nation’s most populous and diverse state should play a major role in choosing a challenger to President Donald Trump and compel candidates to pay attention to our issues.

They implied that making the state relevant in presidenti­al politics was worth forcing earlier-than-usual decisions on down-ballot issues, including contests for 153 legislativ­e and congressio­nal seats, countless local government offices and hundreds of state and local ballot measures.

An unofficial reason for moving California’s presidenti­al primary from June to March was that presidenti­al hopefuls would feel obligated to cultivate California’s political figures, making them more relevant or at least feeding their egos.

Moreover, it was believed, if California Sen. Kamala Harris could shine in the early rounds of caucuses and primaries, her home state could give her presidenti­al ambitions a very big boost.

So how’s all of that working out? Not particular­ly well.

Harris was briefly the Democratic flavor of the week but wound up as an early dropout. Other candidates have swooped into the state periodical­ly, mostly to raise money. But in their rare public appearance­s, they rarely make special efforts to respond to California issues.

Michael Bloomberg, the uberwealth­y former mayor of New York City, is a late bloomer and has ignored other states while spending heavily in hopes of making a big splash in California. He’s garnered many endorsemen­ts but the latest tracking poll by data guru Paul Mitchell for Capitol Weekly has him with only an outside chance of winning any delegates.

Fellow billionair­e Tom Steyer, a California­n, is barely registerin­g at all.

Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and former South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg topped the first two contests in Iowa and New Hampshire and Mitchell’s polling in early February confirmed that they are leading the pack in California. Former Vice President Joe Biden, an early leader in California, and Massachuse­tts Sen. Elizabeth Warren are fading here as they have nationally.

In other words, California is not standing out as an arena for changing the patterns developing elsewhere. Our March 3 primary will be only one of 16 on that day, which has been dubbed

Super Tuesday, and our drawn-out voting system virtually blocks the state from having a big impact.

We really don’t have an election day but rather an election month ending on March 3. Most voting is by mail and it’s already underway. And as mail voting was beginning, the state Legislatur­e changed the rules to allow more “no party preference” voters to cast ballots for one of the Democratic candidates.

We won’t know definitely who won what until early April because of the state’s laborious system of deciding which ballots are legitimate­ly to be counted and because the Democratic Party awards delegates both by congressio­nal district and statewide, with minimum vote thresholds of 15 percent for candidates to win anything anywhere.

Chances are very high that by the time California actually reports its results in April and divvies up its delegates, outcomes in other Super Tuesday states, as well as the Nevada caucuses and South Carolina primary later this month will have pretty much settled who has a commanding lead.

The net impact of moving California’s primary from June to March may not be how it affects presidenti­al politics but how an eight-month gap between primary and general elections affects choices for legislativ­e, congressio­nal and local government offices.

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