Imperial Valley Press

5 takeaways from the abortion pill case before the U.S. Supreme Court

-

WASHINGTON ( AP) — U. S. Supreme Court justices on Tuesday did not appear ready to limit access to the abortion pill mifepristo­ne, in a case that could have far- reaching implicatio­ns for millions of American women and for scores of drugs regulated by the Food and Drug Administra­tion.

It’s the first abortion-related case the court has taken since a majority of the current justices struck down the constituti­onal right to abortion in 2022.

A group of anti- abortion doctors had asked the court to restrict access to mifepristo­ne and to limit when in a pregnancy it could be used.

Key moments from the arguments:

ABORTION PILL SAFETY UNDER MICROSCOPE

The FDA approved mifepristo­ne in 2000 as a safe and effective way to end early pregnancie­s. Last year the pill was used in more than six in 10 of the abortions in the U.S.

The central argument of the conservati­ve group challengin­g mifepristo­ne is that the Food and Drug Administra­tion overlooked serious problems with the drug when it eased restrictio­ns on the drug, including making it available via mail in 2021.

Erin Hawley, who represente­d the doctors suing the agency, argued the FDA “failed to consider or explain … its wholesale removal of safeguards” on the pill.

But the FDA has long argued its decision to drop in-person appointmen­ts to get mifepristo­ne, among other requiremen­ts, came after 20 years of monitoring its safety. In that period the agency reviewed dozens of studies in thousands of women in which serious problems — including hospitaliz­ation — occurred less than 0.3% of the time.

Hawley pointed out that FDA’s own prescribin­g label mentions that 2.9% to 4.6% of women taking the drug go to the emergency room. But Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar pointed to studies showing that half of women who go to the emergency room don’t get any treatment at all.

“Many women might go because they’re experienci­ng heavy bleeding, which mimics a miscarriag­e, and they might just need to know whether or not they’re having a complicati­on, “Prelogar said.

Because of the highly technical nature of reviewing drug data and research, courts have long deferred to FDA’s scientific judgements on safety and effectiven­ess. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson pressed Hawley on the legal basis for second-guessing the agency’s regulators.

“So what deference do we owe them at all with respect to their assessment that these studies establish what it is that they say they do about safety and efficacy?”

HOW FAR TO GO

Hawley ran into questions as she argued that a nationwide rule curtailing mifepristo­ne use was needed.

She was repeatedly interrupte­d by Justice Neil Gorsuch, who voiced objections to such sweeping injunction­s.

The case “seems like a prime example of turning what could be a small lawsuit into a nationwide legislativ­e assembly on an FDA rule or any other federal government action,” said Gorsuch.

Normally when a court issues an injunction about a government policy it only applies to the individual­s or groups in the case. But in recent years a growing number of justices on lower courts have issued “universal injunction­s,” blocking federal regulation­s nationwide.

Gorsuch noted that there have been roughly 60 such rulings in the last four years.

Chief Justice John Roberts also seemed skeptical that a ruling reversing the FDA’s scientific judgments was necessary.

“Why can’t the court specify that this relief runs to precisely the parties before the court as opposed to looking to the agency in general and saying, ‘Agency, you can’t do this anywhere?’”

RIGHT TO SUE

The Biden administra­tion argued that the plaintiffs — a group called the Alliance for Hippocrati­c Medicine — didn’t have the right to challenge the FDA’s actions on mifepristo­ne.

The doc tor s who brought the suit argued that they might have to treat emergency room patients who experience serious complicati­ons after taking the drug.

But Prelogar told the court that the doctors don’t have to prescribe mifepristo­ne and they can abstain from treating patients who have taken the pill if they oppose abortion.

“They don’t prescribe mifepristo­ne,” Prelogar said. “They don’t take mifepristo­ne, obviously. The FDA is not requiring them to do or refrain from doing anything. They aren’t required to treat women who take mifepristo­ne.”

Justice Samuel Alito, however, repeatedly pressed the government on who did have the right to sue over FDA’s decisions.

“Is there anybody who can sue and get a judicial ruling on whether what FDA did was lawful?” Alito, who wrote the 2022 ruling that overturned Roe v. Wade, asked.

REAL-LIFE EXAMPLES, PLEASE

Several justices pressed Hawley to provide real-life examples of doctors who oppose abortion being forced to treat patients who had suffered from abortion pill complicati­ons.

They also took issue with how many hypothetic­al problems Hawley raised in her argument against the FDA’s loosening of abortion pill restrictio­ns.

“I don’t want to hypothesiz­e,” Jackson said to Hawley, asking her to provide an example of a doctor who was unable to object to providing an abortion.

At one point, Justice Amy Coney Barrett also questioned an example one of the doctors provided of a colleague who had to perform a “dilation and curettage” procedure on a patient with complicati­ons. Barrett pointed out that those procedures are not just performed in cases of abortions but for miscarriag­es as well.

 ?? AP PHOTO/AMANDA ANDRADE-RHOADES ?? Abortion rights activists unfurl a banner, created by the ACLU, filled with names of people who said they support the continued access to medication abortion, outside the Supreme Court, on Tuesday in Washington.
AP PHOTO/AMANDA ANDRADE-RHOADES Abortion rights activists unfurl a banner, created by the ACLU, filled with names of people who said they support the continued access to medication abortion, outside the Supreme Court, on Tuesday in Washington.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States